The Tradition of Cyril and Methodius in Macedonian Cultural and National Development in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century and the First Half of the Twentieth Century

Од Wikibooks

Скокни на: навигација, барај

The national awakening of the Slavic peoples and the development of Slavonic studies as a scholarly discipline and Slavophilism and Pan-Slavism as policies gave a significant impetus to the cult of Cyril and Methodius and their disciples and followers. The revival of this cult was most strongly expressed in the largest Slav state, Russia, free since its victorious war against Napoleon in the early 19th century. The movement of Pan-Slavism developed as a reaction to Pan-Germanism, and the number of its adherents in other Slavic countries and peoples increased. The interest in the study of Old Church Slavonic written records and in the Old Slavonic language led to the study of their history and the homeland of Slavonic literacy. The study of the lives and work of Cyril, Methodius, Clement and Naum posed the question of 9th-century Macedonia before the scholarly world, and this in turn increased the interest in the contemporary circumstances of the Slavs in what was at that time a Turkish province. Various travellers and researchers came to Macedonia, finding (and taking away) a large number of old manuscripts from the early period of Slavonic literacy. The history, culture, art, language and literacy of the Macedonians became the object not only of scholarly study but also of politics. This had a positive effect on the awakening and strengthening of Slavic consciousness among the Macedonian people and stimulated the struggle for emancipation and affirmation. Cyril and Methodius and their disciples became the emblem of that Slavic consciousness, the symbol of the Slavic awakening and its romantic ideas related to the historical cultural heritage of Macedonia. There is no doubt that the tradition of Cyril and Methodius continued uninterruptedly and was the longest and most developed in the homeland of Cyril and Methodius and Clement and Naum, concentrated in the three leading centres of Salonika, Ohrid and Mount Athos. If Salonika gave birth to Cyril and Methodius, Ohrid was to produce the first Slavic bishop, who developed the first Slavonic university and established the Archbishopric of Ohrid, which, as an autocephalous church, was probably the first to carry out a canonization of the Slavic saints. [1] Through the synaxarium of Slavonic manuscripts they started to be used in the service of all the churches under the jurisdiction of this spiritual institution — their full continuity was also maintained by the radiant light of the Mount Athos Slavonic Orthodox monasteries during the centuries of subjugation. The Ohrid Literary School[2] with its large number of manuscripts, which were also read and copied in other centres of Macedonia, preserving and spreading the tradition of Cyril and Methodius’s mission, was also well received in places far from the Slavonic Balkans. [3] The large number of churches and monasteries in Macedonia with compositions showing the Slavonic Holy Seven Saints (Sedmočislenici) and other artistic representations, [4] in particular the churches and relics of the most prominent disciples and followers of Cyril and Methodius, cherished by the Archbishopric of Ohrid near Lake Ohrid, [5] produced and supported strong traditions which became even more invigorated during the period of national revival and in the fierce struggle for cultural and national affirmation.

Of considerable significance were also the hand-written or printed texts and artistic representations in the subsequent centuries. Thus the appearance of, for instance, the Stemmatographia by Hristofor Žefarovič from Dojran, with its special emphasis on Slavonic history and culture in Macedonia, was not accidental. [6] This was also reflected in the various historical manuals such as those by Mavro Orbini, Jovan Rajić or Paissius of Chilandar, 131[7] which were certainly available to the literate Macedonians who maintained regular contacts with Mount Athos and could be found as far as Central Europe. Of no lesser importance were the numerous manuscripts kept in Macedonia, which were available not only to church and monastery people but also to others; they included a large number of historical texts, hagiographies, services, laudatory orations and eulogies which dealt with the Slavonic Holy Seven Saints and in particular with the life and work of Cyril and Methodius.[8] The romantic return to the past, which was also felt in Macedonia, in particular through people who had the opportunity of travelling outside the borders of Turkey, contributed significantly to the strengthening of the cult of the Slavic past and especially of the Slavonic Holy Seven Saints and their followers. In the Macedo- nian circumstances of the time this involved a return to the Slavic roots, symbol- ized by the continuity of the Archbishopric of Ohrid and the traditions of its Slavic founders, Clement and Naum. The significance of folk tradition was substantial in this respect. Its full continuity was made possible primarily through physical monuments — churches, monasteries and, above all, the saints’ relics which were kept near the shores of Lake Ohrid itself. [9] They have always kept the spirit of this people awake, and hence the large number of various traditions and legends connected with the lives and work of Clement and Naum and their specific cult, which has survived up to the present day, are not surprising. [10] Even though Methodius is largely known as the Archbishop of Moravia through artistic representations, it is through the frescoes, in particular those of Clement and Naum, and also of the other Slavonic Holy Seven Saints, that the memory of the lives and work of the Salonika brothers, Cyril and Methodius, has been kept alive. [11]

On the other hand, the struggle for an individual church, which gained in strength particularly after the 1840s, turned the eyes of awakened Macedonians towards Ohrid and Salonika. The need was felt for a spiritual and cultural centre of a people which was still not fully aware of its national identity. A particular difficulty was the nominal confusion which was further emphasized by the newly-aroused interest in Slavonic studies, as in the old manuscripts and other surviving material the Slavic scholars most frequently found Bulgarian, and sometimes Serbian designations. This gave the Macedonians the impetus to look for facts confirming their individuality and distinctiveness from the neighbouring peoples, above all from the Bulgarians. Differences were primarily sought and found in ethnic origin, and the Bulgarians were often simply designated as “Tartars and who knows what”, [12] whereas the Macedonians were directly linked to the ancient Macedonians who were considered Slavs, an ideology which was also extant outside Macedonia. [13] At the same time language was to prove in the most obvious manner the independence and distinctiveness of the Macedonian people. Hence shortly after the first contact with Bulgarian writings, the Bulgarian language was labelled Šopski; [14] it was regarded with condescension, while Macedonian was designated as the true legacy of Cyril and Methodius, being the closest to the “Slavonic books” produced by the Salonika brothers. [15] That is how the myths of the Slavic origin and culture of the Macedonians — as an individual and distinct people in the Slavic world — developed. That is how Macedonian national thought with Macedonian characteristics was conceived and developed in the 1840s; it came to prominence in the 1860s and 1870s, and was highly advocated towards the end of the century and in particular in the early 20th century. Yet Macedonia was to be constituted as a state only after what became known as the ‘National Liberation War’, or the ‘Second Ilinden’, in the Second World War. [16]

The process of de-mythologization of Philip and Alexander was slow and difficult, while the mythologization of Cyril, Methodius, Clement and Naum continued to develop and became even more established. There were several reasons for these developments. As the homeland of the Slavonic script, and also of the Slavonic literary language, together with the aura of the establishment of the first Slavonic university and the appointment of the first Slavic bishop in the Balkans, as the land with the largest number of surviving churches and monasteries, manuscripts and other monuments that maintained the traditions of the Slavonic educators, Macedonia became the object of extensive studies — first by foreigners, and later by the Macedonians themselves. It is important to point out that there was practically no Macedonian Revival activist who did not take part in the search, discovery and collection of old Slavonic manuscripts and in the recording of old icons, frescoes and other monuments in our churches and monasteries. All this significantly intensified with the preparations for and the great celebration of the Moravian Mission as well as the anniversaries of the deaths of Cyril and Methodius (1863, 1869 and 1885). In this context we should mention the various foreign ‘travellers’ in Macedonia with “partly scholarly purposes, and partly with the purpose of becoming acquainted with the birth of the Slavic world”, [17] such as Viktor Grigorovich or Aleksandr Gilyferding. Among them the comprehensive activity of Stefan Verković was of particular significance. Thus the 1860s became the cornerstone of the organized cultivation of old traditions. [18] The celebration of May 11th as the Day of Cyril and Methodius [19] marked the start of the public events which were reflected in the periodicals of the time.[20] Attempts were made at opening churches and schools bearing the names of Cyril and Methodius, as well as the names of Clement and Naum, moves which the Patriarchate of Constantinople strongly opposed. [21] The tradition of the cult of Clement and Naum was particularly prominent in Macedonia. This is confirmed, among other things, by the exceptionally large number of these names in the region of Ohrid. The celebration of the name-day of Clement (Kliment) and Naum has always been a celebration of the saints them- selves. [22] There were massive celebrations which were nourished uninterruptedly for centuries; they further strengthened the popular tradition and also aroused and maintained the people’s awareness of their Slavic past. Although the tradition of Cyril and Methodius had been alive even before, it was considerably strengthened after the start of widespread popular celebrations of Ss Cyril and Methodius Day, making the use of the names of these saints as Christian names even more frequent. The public word was still another element. Solemn speeches were delivered on the occasion of all public events, accompanied by special programmes dedicated to the saints. [23] How strongly these events were felt and how these speeches were 77

received is perhaps best illustrated by Grigor Prličev’s speech in the Ss Cyril and Methodius Exarchal Grammar School in Salonika in 1885.[24] Of particularly great importance was the role of the press, which swiftly developed inside the borders of Turkey and was widely read in Macedonia as well. Although most of the periodicals were Bulgarian, Macedonian developments and events were also reflected on their pages, especially after the establishment of the Bulgarian state. There were numerous articles on Cyril and Methodius, and the idea of the Bulgarian character of the work of Cyril and Methodius was becoming more and more established. Of special significance were the textbooks used in the schools throughout Macedonia, in which a place of honour began to be given to the Salonika brothers and their disciples. The textbooks “in the Macedonian dialect” by Partenija Zografski, [25] Dimitar V. Makedonski[26] and Kuzman Šapkarev[27] also increasingly dealt with these subjects, but they were presented mainly according to foreign concepts or under the influence of the historiography available at the time. It was only with the textbooks and other publications by Gjorgija M. Pulevski [28] that a comparatively clear national position was put forward concerning the tradition of Cyril and Methodius, leading to a more systematic building of the historical, cultural and national awareness of the people based on a national ideology under a distinct name. Important figures in the field of literature (Jordan Hadžikonstantinov-Džinot, [29] Konstantin Petkovič, [30] Georgi Dinkata, [31] Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinov, [32] Rajko Žinzifov[33] Grigor Prličev, [34] Gjorgija M. Pulevski, [35] Marko K. Cepenkov, [36] Trajčo Kitančev[37] and others) contributed significantly to the development and spread of this tradition. 80

In spite of the many difficulties in making their works accessible to people in general, a number of intellectuals managed to come into contact with this literary production, and it exerted its influence. The appearance of certain songs about the Slavic brothers, [38] however, and their widespread distribution, in particular through the schools and public performances, was an important element in the process of national awakening. Finally, the opening of the Exarchal Grammar School in Salonika which took the name of Cyril and Methodius[39] played a significant part in this history. [40] The birthplace of the brothers increasingly affirmed itself as the future centre of Macedonian culture and the prospective state, and was turning into a centre of events which marked Macedonian history. The nation needed this and created such ideas. As a result of these cultural and national developments, it was natural for the revolutionary movement in Macedonia, from its very first days, to place the cult of the Salonika brothers as Slavonic and Macedonian educators high on its banner. Various societies, reading clubs and committees adopted the names of the Salonika brothers and their disciples. As early as 1872 we find the St Clement Reading Club, [41] which later (in 1885) became a highly active society with the same patron, [42] and in 1894 it notified the public that “the Ohrid Sunday School will be a continuation of the former ‘St Clement’ and ‘Arsenius’ and will be named ‘St Clement’”.[43] There was a number of similar actions in the ‘Lozar’ period, and this cult was also adopted during the Ilinden period; it was not by chance that there were proposals that the Ilinden Uprising start on Ss Cyril and Methodius Day. [44] Perhaps the best example of this is the patronage of the Macedonian Scholarly and Literary Society in St Petersburg. In his book Za makedonckite raboti (On Macedonian Matters), published in December 1903, Krste Misirkov writes that the Society’s name is ‘St Clement’, [45] and Stefan J. Dedov from Ohrid says the following in his journal of November 21, 1904: “On 25th of this month, the St Clement Macedonian Student Society in St Petersburg will celebrate its pa- tron’s holiday.” [46] Yet in the ‘Constitution’ of the Macedonian Scholarly and Literary Society, adopted by its members (in Misirkov’s absence) on December 16, 1903, and submitted for confirmation to the Council of the St Petersburg Slavonic Charitable Society on the 20th of the same month, the last article, 21, expressly states the following: “The Society has the Holy Slav Apostles Cyril and Methodius as its patrons.” [47] We find the same in other surviving documents. There were obvious disagreements with regard to the patronage between Misirkov and Dedov on the one hand, and čupovski, as the president of the Society (and perhaps other members), on the other. It is interesting that the Slav-Macedonian National- Educational Society (1912) [48] and the Russian-Macedonian Charitable Society (1913) [49] bore the name of Ss Cyril and Methodius, and the journal Makedonskij Golos (Makedonski Glas), 1913-1914, constantly insisted on “the activity of the holy brothers Cyril and Methodius”. [50] Even in June 1917, under the text of the Programme of the Macedonian Revolutionary Committee in Petrograd concerning the Balkan Federal Democratic Republic, the head Dimitrija čupovski put the signatures of the three institutions: Makedonskij Revoljucionnyj Komitet. Makedonskoe Drugarstvo imeni Kirilla i Mefodija. Redakcija “Makedonskago Golosa“.[51] Throughout the war years, when the fate of the Macedonian people was being decided, the Macedonians firmly insisted on the Salonika brothers and the Ohrid saints and educators in order to show the individuality and continuity of Macedonian culture and history to the world. This cult, not without romantic ingredients, grew steadily in the period between the two world wars. Nikola K. Majski, [52] Milan Ъ. Vojnicalija, [53] Radoslav Petkovski, [54] Hristo Popsimov, [55] Dimče Malenko[56] and many other writers also expressed their feelings towards the first Slav teachers in verses written in their mother tongue. The indefatigable Misirkov demonstrated the same position in nearly all of his works. In his series of articles in the Macedonian and Bulgarian press (1923-1925) he pointed out that “the Holy Cyril and Methodius spread the Macedonian word and script among all Slavic peoples” [57] and that they “are our prophets, saints, educators and representatives of the Macedonian national spirit, of Macedonian national culture”. [58] Yet he did not forget to emphasize that “the Slavs in Macedonia, which laid the foundations of national education and culture among almost all the Slav peoples — both western and eastern Slavs — through the activity of the holy Cyril and Methodius and their Macedonian disciples, have seen nothing good or beneficial for themselves from these Slavs”. [59]

This tradition was developed and supported in particular by the progressive Macedonian national, cultural and literary activists in the 1930s. The press of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (United), and also the Macedo- nian People’s League of America (in the United States and Canada), copiously used and affirmed the work of Cyril and Methodius and their disciples. [60] They were paid particular attention in the journal Makedonski Vesti (Macedonian News, 1935-1936) [61] of Angel Dinev as well as in his prominent book Makedonskite Sloveni (The Macedonian Slavs, 1938). [62] This was an important breakthrough in the contemporary awareness of the Macedonian, which led first to the National Liberation War and somewhat later to our free national development. Kočo Racin, [63] Nikola Vapcarov, [64] Kosta Veselinov, [65] Vasil Ivanovski[66] and many others only strengthened this cult into a progressive line of our development, with a vision not too different from that we cherish today. If in 1936 the writer signing himself as “Nik. I-v” called “the Macedonian educators of the new era — Džinot, Theodosius of Skopje and the ‘Lozars’ — the advocates of making the western [Macedonian] dialect a standard, and others ] worthy followers of the first Macedonian teachers, Ss Cyril and Methodius”, [67]

there was nothing more natural than that the Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of Macedonia ad- dressed the Macedonians, in its mouthpiece Iskra (Spark) of January 1941, in the following way: Brothers! You have your own language, your own culture, your own traditions, songs, etc. You have a glorious history and past. Cyril and Methodius were neither Serbs nor Bulgarians, but Macedonian Slavs who gave literacy and culture to all the Slavs… [68]

Immediately after the Bulgarian occupation of Macedonia, the Ilinden procla- mation of the Provincial Committee of the Workers’ Party in Macedonia stated: “Everything which is Macedonian and great in the Macedonian struggle and culture has been appropriated by Bulgarian fascists and presented as Bulgarian: Ss Cyril and Methodius, Goce Delčev, the Macedonian revolutionary struggle, the Macedonian language (our language was allegedly ‘sweet and melodious Bulgar- ian’).” [69] This is repeated in the next year’s Ilinden proclamation, [70] and a leaflet from that period protests: “They have forbidden us to celebrate Ss Cyril and Methodius as Macedonian and Slavic apostles and teachers.” [71] The mouthpiece of the Macedonian Provincial Committee, Bilten (Bulletin), of March-April 1942, proudly writes: “Macedonia has borne two brothers, Cyril and Methodius, who have given the alphabet and written culture to all the Slavs. Every more cultured Macedonian knows that the disciples of these two brothers, headed by Clement, first went to Moravia (Bohemia), which groaned under the German yoke at the time, in order to preach in the Slavonic language.” [72] Similar articles appeared in many other periodicals during the National Liberation War. Hence it was natural that Cyril and Methodius’s Day was proclaimed the holiday of education in free Macedonia, and it was no surprise that one of the first decisions of the Agency of People’s Education (of the Presidium of the Anti-Fascist Assembly of the National Liberation of Macedonia) was its decision in favour of “the celebration of St Clem- ent of Ohrid’s Day, on December 8, 1944”. [73] He “was one of the greatest disciples of the brothers Cyril and Methodius”, as “this son of Macedonia ] is still today, as he was 1,000 years ago, the protector of our national whole and the patron of our entire national culture”. [74] Accordingly, the tradition of Cyril and Methodius is an indigenous tradition in Macedonia which has been constantly built up (by external factors as well) and has firmly evolved into a fundamental element of the process of affirmation of the Macedonian nation, culture and statehood.

  1. ↑ Blaže Koneski , “Kanonizacija na slovenski svetci vo Ohridskata crkva“, Prilozi, MANU, Oddelenie za lingvistika i literaturna nauka, I, 1-2, Skopje, 1976, 63-72; Vasil Sl. Kiselkov, “Kirilometodievskijat kult v Bъlgarija“, in: Hiljada i sto godini slavjanska pismenost 863-1963. Sbornik v čest na Kiril i Metodija, Sofija, 1963, 339-340. This canonization of the Slavic saints was accepted and supported by the Roman Church (especially after the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204), but not by the Patriarchate of Constantinople (op. cit., 342-349).
  2. ↑ Blaže Koneski , “Ohridskata knižovna škola“, Literaturen zbor , II, 1, Skopje, 1956, 1-19.
  3. ↑ An interesting illustration in this respect is the ensemble of frescoes in Cyril’s Church in Kiev (12th century) composed solely of saints from Macedonia (Cyril and Methodius, Clement of Ohrid, John of Macedonia, Joseph of Salonika, etc.) which used to be called Makedonskija zal for centuries, although now in this part of the church there is a sign reading Balkanskija zal, and the guide interprets it to the visitors as Bolgarskija zal. These Kiev frescoes have still not been fully published, just as the entire monument has still not been studied or made accessible to the scholarly public (D-r Kosta Balabanov, “Kievska Rusija i kulturnite centri vo Makedonija vo XI-XII vek. Kultot na slovenskite prosvetiteli Kiril i Metodij i nivnite učenici“, Glasnik na UNESKO, XXXe , Skopje, Apr i l 1982, 39-40; N.B. S al Åko, Živopi sÅ drevneja Rusi XI–načel a XIII veka. Mozaiki freski i konč , Leningrad, 1982, 105-109).
  4. ↑ Dimče Koco, “Tri konhalni crkvi vo Kliment ovoto vreme“, in: Slovenska pismenost. 1050-godišnina na Kliment Ohridski , Naroden muzej, Ohrid, 1966, 91-100; Cvetan Grozdanov, “Ohridsko yidno slikarstvo od XIoe vek“, Kulturno-istorisko nasledstvo vo SR Makedonija, HH, Skopje, 1983, 199-228; Cvetan Grozdanov, “Jovan Vladislav i predstave Sedmoči sl eni ka u makedonskoj umet nost i Hoe III-XIH veka“, Zborni k za l i kovne umet - nost i , 19, Novi Sad, 1984; Cvetan Grozdanov, “Živopisot na grobniot paraklis na Sveti Naum Ohridski “, in: Naum Ohri dski , Ohrid, 1985, 85-97; P et ar Mi q kovi Î-P epek, “Nekoi pogl edi vr z ar hi t ekt ur at a na manast i r skat a crkva Sv. Naum kaj Ohridskot o Ezer o“, in: Naum Ohri dski , Ohrid, 1985, 65-82.
  5. ↑ 129 Di mče Koco, “Kliment ovi ot manast i r ,Sv. P ant el ejmon‘ i r askopki t e pr i ,I mar et ‘ vo Ohrid“, Godi š en zborni k na F i l ozof ski ot f akult et , I, Skopje, 1948, 129-180; Di mče Koco, “Novi podat oci za i stor i jat a na Kliment ovi ot manast i r Sv. P ant el ejmon vo Ohrid“, Godi š en zborni k na F i l ozof ski ot f akult et , XIH, 1967, 245-255; Di mče Koco, “P r ouču- vawa i ar heol oš ki i spi t uvawa na crkvat a na manast i r ot Sv. Naum“, Zborni k na Ar - heol oš ki ot muzej, II, Skopje, 1958, 56-58.
  6. ↑ I zobraženi j oruži j i l i ri českih — St emat ograf ija. Rezal i u bakr u Hr i stof or Ž e- f ar ovi ć i Toma Mesmer . F ot ot i pska i zdawa, Mat i ca sr pska, Novi S ad, 1961. In addition to the copper engravings depicting the holy Methodius, Archbishop of Moravia; Clement, Archbishop of Ohrid; and Naum, the Miracle Worker from Ohrid, Žefarovič grouped the following around the Ohrid Church: the holy David, Tsar of Bulgaria; and Theoctistus; Nicodemus the Fragrant (Myroblítis, ‘Myrrh-emanating’), buried in Berat, Albania; Arsenius, the Miracle Worker, the Archbishop of Bulgaria; Theophylact, the Archbishop of Bulgaria; John Vladimir the Fragrant (Myroblítis), buried in Elbasan, etc. It is interesting that Žefarovič, in accordance with the historical beliefs of the time, links Bulgarian tsars with the Ohrid saints; according to legend, they were connected with Ohrid and Macedonia, and there is not a single representation of a Bulgarian ruler or saint who is not connected with this Macedonian spiritual and political centre. Thus, for instance, according to the ‘information’ in Istorija Slavjanobolgarskaja (Slavo-Bulgarian History) by Paissius (Paisij) of Chilandar, “the Holy King Trivelia, known as the Monk Theoctistus”, lived in AD 703 and was the first “to receive the holy Baptism, and the whole Bulgarian people was converted to Christianity in his kingdom”, but “after a while he abandoned the king’s authority and worldly glory, he built himself a monastery near Ohrid and in this monastery he received the status of a monand presented himself to God in that monastery” (Paisija Hi l endarski , Slavjanobъ l gar ska i stor i ja. P odъ r edakci ja na Petъr ъ Di nekovъ . Vtoro i zdani e, Sof i ja, 1942, 107-108). In the same fashion, “the holy Tsar David”, it is said, “relinquished his empire voluntarily to his brother Samuel, went into a monastery and received the status of a monk”, but soon died and “his imperishable relics were taken from there and moved to Ohrid” (ibid., 108). “The holy Tsar John Vladimir, the son of Aaron” is said to have “ruled as a tsar in Ohrid for three years”, but he was killed by his wife and his brother-in-law and “his imperishable relics have hitherto stayed on Elbasan land” (ibid., 108-109). “The Holy Nicodemus the Fragrant” is described as “being on Ohrid land”, where he lived and died. “His relics were later moved to Albanian Berat” where they “still provide great healing” (ibid., 112), etc. Even though the Stemmatographia of the “all-people’s fresco-painter” Hristofor Žefarovič was published 21 years prior to the completion of the History of Paissius of Chilandar, it is obvious that they used the same sources in drawing their historical conclusions. It is important, however, that Žefarovič was closely connected throughout his life with his homeland of Macedonia and made a number of engravings for Macedonian churches and for merchants. (A. Mat kovski , “Hr i stof or Ž ef ar ovi č“, I storija, oe III, 1, Skopje, 1972, 149-150; A. Mat kovski , Gr bovi t e na Makedonija (Pr i l og kon makedonskat a her al di ka), Skopje, 1970, 124-125).
  7. ↑ The cult of Cyril and Methodius is also reflected in a number of early printed books (Bonž St . Angel ov, “Kiril i Metodi ja v sl avjanski t e pečat ni kni gi ot Hoe -Hoe II v.“, in: Hiljada i sto godini slavjanska pismenost , 358-375).
  8. ↑ Prof. Jordanъ Ivanovъ , Bъ l gar ski st ar i ni Izъ Makedonija. Vtoro dopъlneno i zdani e, Sof i ja, 1931; B. Koneski i O. Jaš ar -Nast eva, Makedonski t ekstovi od 10-20 vek, Skopje, 1966; S t r ani ci od sr ednovekovnat a kni ž evnost . I zbor , r edakci ja, pr edgovor i zabel eš ki Ver a Ant i Î i Har al ampi e P ol enakovi Î, Skopje, 1978; Kliment Ohridski , Žitija, sl ova, pouki . P r edgovor : Har al ampi e P ol enakovi Î. I zbor , pr evod i koment ar : Radmi l a Ugr i nova- Skal ovska, Skopje, 1974; Donka P et kanova-Tot eva, “Kiril i Metodi ja v njakoi l egendar ni kni ž ovni pamet ni ci “, in: Konst ant i n-Ki ri l Fi l osof . Æ bi l een sbornik po slučaja 1100- godi š ni nat a ot smъ r t t a mu, Sofija, 1969, 75-94.
  9. ↑ See note 128.
  10. ↑ Cvet ana Romanska, “Kliment i Naum v nar odni t e pr edani ja“, in: Hiljada i sto godi ni slavjanska pismenost , 377-382; Ver a Stojčevska-Ant i Î, Kliment i Naum Ohridski vo nar odnat a t r adi ci ja, Skopje, 1982; Ver a S t ojčevska-Ant i Î, “Kliment ovat a i Naumovat a tradi ci ja denes“, Kult uren ž i vot , Hoe , 7, Skopje, 1970, 17-20; Mi l ko Mat i čet ov, “P r i - kaznat a za Naumovat a mečka AT 1910“, Makedonski f ol kl or , oe III, 15-16, Skopje, 1975, 129-147; Naum Cel akoski , “Nar odni pr edani ja za Kliment Ohridski “, Kult uren ž i vot , Hoe , 1-2, 1974, 21-24; Naum Cel akoski , “Nar odni pr edani ja za Gr i gor P r l i čev i Kliment Ohridski “, Razvi t ok, XII, 2, Bi t ol a, 1974, 171-173; Naum Cel akoski , “P r edani jat a i st ar i t e pečat i na manast i r ot ,Sv. Naum‘“, Lihni d, Ohrid, 1983, 13-25; Tome S azdov, “Nar od- ni t e pr edani ja za Naum Ohridski “, in: Naum Ohri dski , Ohrid, 1985, 117-123.
  11. ↑ Asen Vasi l ev, “Obr azi na Kiril i Metodi ja v čuž dot o i naš et o i zobr azi t el no i skust vo“, in: Hiljada i sto godini slavjanska pismenost , 393-488; I r i na A. Vasi l eva, “Kъ m vъ pr osa za obr aza na Konst ant i n-Kiril F i l osof “, in: Konst ant i n Kiri l Fi l osof , 419-424; Cvet an Gr ozdanov, Por t r et i na svet i t el i t e od Makedoni j, 199-228; Cvet an Gr ozdanov, “Odnosot meJAu por t r et i t e na Kliment Ohridski i Kliment Ri mski vo ž i vopi - sot od pr vat a polovina na XIoe vek“, in: Kiril S ol unski . S i mpozi um 1100-godi š ni na od cmrt t a na Kiri l Sol unski, kni ga 1, 23-25 maj 1969, Skopje-Š t i p, MANU, Skopje, 1970, 99-108; Kost a Bal abanov, “Slovenski t e pr osvet i t el i Kiril i Metodi vo del at a na make- donski t e i konopi sci od XIH vek, in: Kiril S ol unski . S i mpozi um 1100-godi š ni na od smrt t a na Kiri l Sol unski, kni ga 1, 43-64; Ni ko P . Tozi , “Kiril i Metodi j vo t vor bi t e na makedonski t e kopani čar i “, in: Kiril S ol unski . S i mpozi um 1100-godi š ni na od smr t t a na Kiri l Sol unski, kni ga 1, 245-247.
  12. ↑ P .R. S l avejakovъ , “Makedonskč jatъ và pr osъ “, Makedoníja, oe , 3, C ar egr adъ , 18.I.1871, 2.
  13. ↑ At least after the publication of Il Regno degli Slavi (1601) by Mavro Orbini from Dubrovnik the idea of the Slavic origin of the ancient Macedonians became extremely popular among many prominent Slav activists, although it had been widespread in Europe even before. The learned Serbian geographer Jovan Dragašević, before becoming inveigled by Greater-Serbian ideas, at several points in his textbook Geografija za srednje škole (Geography for Secondary Schools, Belgrade, 1871), offers a detailed elaboration of the Slavic origin of the ancient Macedonians, which he considers to be a well-known truth, whose direct descendants are the contemporary Slav inhabitants of Macedonia. This was not only the result of the influence of the ‘Illyrians’ such as Gundulić or Pribojević, since similar beliefs were widespread among the people, so the views of Jordan Hadžikonstantinov-Džinot, Gjorgija M. Pulevski, Isaija R. Mažovski and others in 19th-century Macedonia are not incomprehensible.
  14. ↑ K.A.P . Š apkar evъ , Narъčno sv. blagovõst vovaníe i l i Sborъ otъ Evangel skit õ čt ení, Car i gr adъ , 1869, 3; Blaže Koneski , Kon makedonskat a pr er odba. Makedonski t e učebni ci od 19 vek. Vtoro i zdani e, Skopje, 1959, 57 and 59.
  15. ↑ Ûor Ÿe M. P uq evski , Rečni k ot t r i jezi ka s. makedonski , ar banski i t ur ski , II, u Beogr adu, 1875, 42; Makedoníja, II, 14, 2.III.1868; II, 33, 13.oe II.1868, 3, etc.
  16. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , op. cit., I, 119-280.
  17. ↑ K. Mi si r kov, “I zni knuvaín’et o i r azbor na bugar ckat a i sr pcka t eor i íi za nar odnost a na mak’edonci t e“, Vardar, I, 1, Odesa, 1.IH.1905, 12 (D-r Blaže Ri stovski , “Var dar “. N aučno- l i t er at ur no i opš t est veno-pol i t i čko spi sani e na K.P. Mi si r kov, I MJ, F ot ot i pno i zdani e, Skopje, 1966).
  18. ↑ Vasi l Sl. Kiselkov, op. cit., 339-345.
  19. ↑ Ibid., 349-357. The Bulgarian press in Constantinople published the requests and proposals for this celebration in 1857. Such events were already organized at that time, but they largely became a May 11th tradition in Macedonia after the 1860s.
  20. ↑ In Prilep, for instance, Ss Cyril and Methodius Day was celebrated for the first time on May 11, 1866 (Rajako Ž i nzi f ov, Publ i ci st ika, I. Sъstavi l i Cveta Undži eva i Dočo Lekov, Sof i ja, 1964, 256); in Salonika this took place two years later (Makedoníja, II, 27, 1.oe I.1868); in Bitola it was celebrated as late as 1871 (Makedoníja, oe , 21, 25.oe .1871), etc.
  21. ↑ According to the journal Bъ l garíja (II, 63, C ar i gr adъ , 4.oe .1860, 147), guild members in Bitola wished to open a school and a church bearing the name Cyril and Methodius, but the Patriarchate prelate opposed this as these patrons were not included in the listof saints of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Nevertheless, a marble inscription reading †Uči l i če “Sv. Kir. i Met .“ Košiča Ohrid g. 1861. Maja 6-i ja was to be seen above the entrance door to the school in the Košijaa quarter in Ohrid (P r of . Jordanъ Ivanovъ , op. cit., 46). On the seal worked out by the Ohrid goldsmith Hristo Cvetku for this school, however, a print of which was found among Dimitar Miladinov’s documents upon his arrest in Struga on February 16, 1861, there were only the following words: ‡ či l . Bъ l gar. Vъ ohr. ul i c . Koš i č a (Bratja Mi l adinovi , P repiska. I zdi r i l , koment i r al i r edakt i r al N. Tr ajakov, Sofija, 1964, 172 — a letter by Mitra D. Miladinova to the Robev family of March 2, 1861). That the school in Ohrid did indeed have these saints as patrons is confirmed by the icon by Dičo Zograf dated February 20, 1863, which he painted in Ohrid, where Cyril and Methodius are portrayed as holding the Slavonic script; between them is Clement (larger in size, with a mitre on his head and a sceptre in his right hand), while the inscription of the fresco-painter mentions the school in Košijaa, the Metropolitan Meletius and the citizen Hristo Zlatar (Kost a Bal abanov, op. cit., 46, and the attached reproduction of the icon).
  22. ↑ Although the Patriarchate did not recognize them as saints, as a legacy from the synaxarium of the Archbishopric of Ohrid the people continued the centuries-old tradition and regularly celebrated the days of Clement and Naum in Ohrid.
  23. ↑ A report by “a Salonika citizen, one on behalf of all” (“Solunec edin za vsičkite“, Makedoníja, II, 27, 1.oe I.1868, 3) mentions that after the festive celebration of Ss Cyril and Methodius Day in the Church of the Mother of God in Salonika and after “the test has been carried out in a pure Macedono- Bulgarian language, our school, newly inaugurated and humble; [and] after the girls clad in white had sung the song about the Sultan, the antiphons to our saints and various folk songs suited to the occasion”, the people enthusiastically prepared a request to the Salonika Metropolitan to be assigned one of the thirteen churches in the city. In addition, from the mid-19th century onwards a number of songs were composed (mainly in Bulgarian) which were widely sung at celebrations in Macedonia as well — in the schools and at church meetings (Stojan Petrov, “Del ot o na br at jat a Kiril i Metodi ja I bъ l gar skat a muzi ka“, in: Hiljada i sto godini slavjanska pismenost , 490-509). J. Gruev’s song I sl ed t i sjač a godini , which was also sung by our teachers, achieved great popularity (Makedoníja, oe , 31, 3.oe III.1871).
  24. ↑ 149 K.G. P ъ r l i čevъ , “Kъ mъ har akt er i st i kat a na Gr .S. P ъ r l i čevъ (po spomeni , svedeni ja i dokument i )“, Makedonski pr egl edъ , Ioe , 2, Sofija, 1928, 116-118; Geor gi S t . Kandi l ar ovъ , Bъl garski t õ gimnazi i i osnovni uči l i ča vъ Sol unъ, Sofija, 1930, 32-35; Geor gi St r ezovъ , “P ъ r vi stъ pki na Sol unskat a gi mnazi ja“, in: S br oni kъ S ol unъ . I zdani e na vъ zpi t at el i t õ i vъzpi tani ci tõ otъ sol unskitõ bъl garski gimnazi i , Sof ija, 1934, 289; Ž i t i e na I oana Kr ajni čanskoga 1869-1942 god., Oddelenie za dokument aci ja na I nst i t ut ot za naci onal na i stor i ja vo Skopje, sl . Ioe , 165, st r . 12-13; Voi sl av I . I l i Î, “KiriloMetodi evskat a t r adi ci ja vo dve besedi na Gr i gor P r l i čev“, in: Kiri l Sol unsk, I, 113-120; Blaže Ri stovski , “Kon pr oučuvawet o na sol unski t e godini na P r l i čev (G. P r l i čev vo oči t e na P . Dr aganov i J. Kr ajni čanec), in: Život ot i del ot o na Gri gor Prl i čev (Si mpozi um posvet en na ž i vot ot i del ot o na Gr i gor P r l i čev, 10-11 maj 1985 na F i l ol oš ki ot f akult et vo Skopje), Skopje, 1986, 60-72.
  25. ↑ Partenija Zografski was certainly the best informed Macedonian in Macedonia at that time concerning the question of Cyril and Methodius (H. P ol enakovi Î, “Bel eš ki za KiriloMetodi evskot o pr aš awe kaj Makedonci t e vo XIH vek“, Gl asni k na I NI , oe II, 1, Skopje, 1963, 170-172). In addition to his famous articles in the Constantinopolitan press and praises in honour of the Slavonic educators, Zografski included some basic information on them in his textbook Kr at ka svjač ena i storija (1857), which was used widely in the Macedonian schools. He was also the first to publish Archbishop Theophylact’s Life of Clement in his native tongue (1858).
  26. ↑ 151 In his work Krat ka svjačenna i storíja za uči l i ča-t a po Makedoníà (na makedonsko nar õčíe), Car i gr adъ , 1867, where he undoubtedly relies on facts from Carst vennikъ i l i I storíja Bol - gar s k aja od P . Hi l endar ski , u Budi mu, 1844, Dimitar V. Makedonski writes about the work of Cyril and Methodius (p. 24) and also about the Archbishopric of Ohrid (pp. 27-28).
  27. ↑ Among other things, in the textbook quoted, Narъčno sv. blagovõst vovaníe i l i Sborъ otъ Evangel ski t õ čt ení, 1869, K.A.P. Šapkarev gives the services for Cyril and Methodius in the months of May (p. 121), in June for St Naum of Ohrid (122), in July for the Slavonic Holy Seven Saints (125) and also for Clement of Ohrid and St Panteleimon (126), repeating the service for St Clement in November (109). Among the large number of writings affirming the history of Cyril and Methodius and their work and of the Archbishopric of Ohrid, in a polemical article of 1870, Kuzman Šapkarev writes that at one time Cyril and Methodius “translated the holy writings and established literacy not in the Moesian or Thracian B. dialect, but in their own, now despised [?] Macedono-Bulgarian dialect, in which they were born and brought u” (Blaže Koneski , Kon makedonskat a pr er odba, 65).
  28. ↑ Ûor Ÿe M. P uq evski , Rečni k ot t ri jezik, 40-42. Pulevski deals with these questions in greatest detail in his work (which remained a manuscript) Slavjansko-makÅdonska opš t a i sto- r i(Rъ kopi sen ot del na Nar odnat a bi bl i ot eka “Kiril i Metodi ja“, Sof i ja, º 32/1958, l . 1-11).
  29. ↑ H. P ol enakovi Î, op. cit., 162-169; Prilozi, MANU, oe III, 1-2, 1983.
  30. ↑ Studying in Russia, Konstantin Petkovič had the opportunity of becoming better acquainted with the history of the entire work of Cyril and Methodius, and this was reflected in his varied scholarly, journalistic and literary work. In a letter to Stefan Verković, dated November 28/December 10, 1860, after thanking him for the collection of folk songs he had sent him, with a Misirkov-like accuracy he points out to him that “Bulgarian songs and stories can be found in Macedonia, whose language might be even purer around Bitola, Ohrid and Veles” (as the Central-Macedonian dialect) and that “[t]here is no doubt now, after living in Macedonia, that the Bulgarians are the real descendants of those Slavs for whom Ss Cyril and Methodius translated the Holy Scriptures” (Dokument i za bъ l gar skot o vъ zr až dane ot Ar hi va na S t ef an I . Ver kovi č 1860-1893. Sъstavi l i i podgotvi l i za pečat Dar i na Vel eva i n.s. Tr i f on Vъ l ov, pod r edakci jat a i s pr edgovor ot čl .-kor . Hr i sto A. Hr i stov, Sofija, 1969, 19).
  31. ↑ The work of Georgi Dinkata is still unknown to us in its entirety, although we know that he wrote a large number of poems, textbooks (history, geography, etc.) and articles as well as abundant correspondence. He revered in particular the work of Cyril and Methodius, as did his entire prominent family. This can be seen in the verses he sent to Georgi S. Rakovski (1862), especially in the poem ‘Samovi l a’ (Sprite) (Prof. I v. Snõgar ovъ , S ol unъ vъ bъ l gar skat a duhovna kult ur a. I stor i česki očer kъ i dokument i , Sofija, 1937, 208-215), and in the document entitled ‘P oznaja sebe si ’ (Know Thyself) (Ibid., 215-225). As an advocate of the use of the Macedonian dialect within the basis of the common literary language, Dinkata insisted that his article entitled “Svõdõni ja na makedonski t õ st r ani “ (Makedoníja, II, 33, C ar egr adъ , 13.oe II.1868, 3) be printed in “his own Salonika dialect, which if it did not fully preserve the beauty of Cyril’s language, was nevertheless older”
  32. ↑ Dimitar and Konstantin Miladinov had the opportunity of becoming acquainted very early on with the various folk traditions of Clement and Naum and also with numerous written records, frescoes and icons in their region. Viktor I. Grigorovich only strengthened their interest, and their contacts with Mount Athos, and in particular with Partenija Zografski, made it possible for them to become closely acquainted with these subjects. The question of the relics of St Clement of Ohrid was the subject of Dimitar Miladinov’s published correspondence (Bratja Mi l adinovi , P repiska. I zdiri l , komen- t i r al i r edakt i r al N. Tr ajakov, Sof i ja, 1964, 15), as well as of Grigorovich’s personal writings (Očer kъ put eš est víja po Evr opejaskoja Tur cíja. I zdaníe vt or oe, Moskva, 1877, 98-99). Milad- inov’s interest in the old Slavonic manuscripts was aroused “ten years” before the arrival of Grigorovich, when the Russian consul in Greece, I. Paparigopoulos, found in St Naum’s Monastery “all the works of Grigory” (P repiska, 43). Dimitar Miladinov was delighted with the introduction of ‘Slavonic’ in the schools and churches of Struga. On November 28, 1859, he wrote: “You should know that the fire was stirred in Ohrid, a strong party was formed that no Prelate can stop in any way. They officiated with six priests wearing vestments and they celebrated on the day of St Clement” (P repiska, 99). On December 25 he expressed his gratitude to Ivan Denkoglou on behalf of “the Guardians of the holy family of the Reverend Naum of Ohrid” for the Shroud sent, which,” Dimitar wrote, “reminds us of the devastated precious treasures of the once glorious but now impoverished fatherland. This sacred gift reminds every compatriot of the ancient Slavic brilliance and incites every sensitive soul to go back to his true mother and draw his mother’s sweet milk.” He informed him that “on this November 25th, when the holy memory of St Clement is celebrated, a dazzling and solemn service was held in the Metropolitan Church, and during the conveyance of the immaculate secrets the glorious names of the Slavic benefactors were mentioned, and one of the priests delivered an appropriate eulogy in the Bulgarian language during the service,” but “[i]n order to fulfil better the amiable hopes cherished by the Slavic saints, Clement, Naum, Cyril and Methodius, we appointed a teacher in our revived mother tongu” (P repiska, 105). Miladinov not only had close contacts among prominent figures in the areas of science, politics and publishing (Aleksandr F. Gilyferding, Viktor Grigorovich, Stefan Verković, Yakov O. Orel-Oshmyantsev, Aleksandr V. Rachinsky, E. Yuzhakov, Petr I. Sevastyanov, Pavel I. Sevastyanov, Mikhail A. Hitrovo, Aleksand’r Egzarh, etc.), but he also maintained direct contact with all the more important persons in Macedonia at the time and with various institutions and organizations inside the country and abroad, which was of exceptional significance for the enhancement and expansion of his views and actions. On the other hand, Konstantin Miladinov, possessing a profound knowledge of the Slavic heritage in Macedonia, not only fought together with his brother, but also had the opportunity of attending Partenija Zografski’s lectures in the Zograph (Zographou) Monastery, and also of listening to the lectures of the most prominent Russian Slavic scholars of the time and of following numerous publications dealing with the subject of Cyril and Methodius. He was well acquainted with the work of “our educators, Cyril and Methodius”, he examined the old manuscripts in the Zograph Monastery, where he copied three bulls, one of which (on the Archbishopric of Ohrid) he published, remarking that the first “Bulgarian bishop, according to Theophylact’s testimony, was the Reverend Clement in Belica or Dremvica”, and that “His epitaph still stands in the cathedral church in Ohrid” (Konst ant i n Mi l adi nov, I zbor . I zbor i pr edgovor Gane Todor ovski , Skopje, 1980, 60-64).
  33. ↑ Rajko Žinzifov emerged as the most active Macedonian in the Slavic Committee in Moscow, but he had brought the traditions of Cyril and Methodius from Macedonia, in particular after his association with Dimitar Miladinov. His poems, articles and speeches (H. P ol enakovi Î, op. cit., 173-176) were not only well received among the pupils and students from Macedonia in Russia, but also had a significant impact on certain groups of people in Macedonia itself.
  34. ↑ Grigor Prličev, having rejected his earlier Hellenistic views, embarked on a serious study of the old Slavonic culture in Macedonia, and it was not only with the popular poem In the Year 1762, but also through his orations on Clement, Cyril and Methodius that he made a tremendous contribution to the affirmation of that past and to the cultural and national awakening of our people, particularly in the struggle for the restoration of the Archbishopric of Ohrid. Having rejected his Greek orientation and unable to defeat Bulgarianism, Prličev started along a line of ‘Macedonism’, writing a short grammar, with obvious efforts to establish a continuity with the Old Slavonic era of Cyril and Methodius. It was certainly not by chance that Prličev gave the name Kiril (Cyril) to his only son.
  35. ↑ ЪorJAi ja M. Pul evski, Odbrani st r ani ci . I zbor , r edakci ja, pr edgovor i zabel eš ki d-r Blaže Ri stovski , Skopje, 1974, 98-100 and 254-255.
  36. ↑ Marko Cepenkov also acknowledged his debt to the work of Cyril and Methodius and contributed to its affirmation. In 1896 he published his ode to the Salonika brothers entitled Mojata pesna (Gl a s ъ Makedonski , III, 51, Sofija, 28.oe .1896, 4), and in his not completely known Prilepski letopis (I l . I v., “P r i l epski l õt opi sci “, in: Pr i l epъ pr edi 100 godini . Vъ zpomenat el enъ l i stъ po sl učaja sto godini otъ osveč avanet o na pri l epskat a cъ r kva “S v. Bl agoveč eni e“ – 7.Ioe .1838–7.Ioe .1938, Sofija, 7.Ioe .1938, 8), among other things, he wrote that in 1885 in Prilep “a garden [was made] specially for Ss Cyril and Methodius in memory of the 1000th anniversary of St Methodius’s death” (Mar ko K. Cepenkov, Makedonski nar odni umot vor bi vo deset kni gi , 10. Materijali – lit erat urni t vorbi. Redakt i r al d-r Blaže Ri stovski , Skopje, 1980, 395).
  37. ↑ Tr ajačo Ki t ančevъ , S ъ či neni ja, Sofija, 1898, 120-122; [Ъorče Petrov], “P r azdnuvani et o na S v. Kiril ъ i Metodi ja. Dopi ska otъ S ol unъ “, Bal kanъ , I, 23, Sofija, 1.oe I.1883, 9-10.
  38. ↑ Some hymns, odes and other songs dealing with Cyril and Methodius were made highly popular through the Exarchal churches and schools in Macedonia as well (Stef an P. Vasi l ev, “Ki ri l i Metodija vъ v vъ zpevi t e na bъ l gar ski t e poet i “, in: Hiljada i sto godini slavjanska pismenost , 383-390; Stojan Petrov, “Del ot o na br at jat a Kiril i Metodi ja i bъ l gar skat a muzi ka“, in: Hiljada i sto godini slavjanska pismenost , 489-514).
  39. ↑ The Ss Cyril and Methodius Boys’ Grammar School in Salonika was opened in 1881 (Prof. I v. Snõgarovъ , op. cit., 166 and 184), and the seal put on the 1870 letters from the Salonika Community (written by Venijamin Mačukovski) shows only the words Bъ l gar ska cъ r kovna obč i na vъ S ol unъ , but in the middle of the seal there are engravings of the figures of the Salonika brothers (ibid., 235 and 237). Were not these seals perhaps added later?
  40. ↑ Petar D. Draganov, a teacher in the Salonika Exarchal Grammar School, in 1885/86 held a ‘private’ course entitled ‘The Activity of Cyril and Methodius’ (K.L. S t r ukova, “I z æpi stol jar nogo nasl edi ja P .D. Dr aganova“, S ovet skoe sl avjanovedeni e, 4, Moskva, 1970, 44), and after his return to Russia (1887) he started preparing (in the Russian Academy of Sciences in St Petersburg) the first complete Vseobčaja Kiri l l o-Mef odievskaja bibl i ograf i ja in four extensive volumes (D-r Blaže Ri s- t ovski, Makedonski ot nar od i makedonskat a naci ja, I, 435-454).
  41. ↑ P ravo, oe II, 12, C ar i gr adъ , 29.oe .1872, 4; oe , 28, 18.IH.1872, 4; S voboda, II, 52, Bukur eč ъ , 10.oe I.1872, 420.
  42. ↑ A. Keckar ovъ , “P r edt eči na r evol ž ci onnat a or gani zaci ja vъ Ohridsko“, I lžstracija I l i ndenÅ, oe I, 1, Sofija, 1934, 10-13; Ohrid i Ohridsko, kni ga vt ora. Od paJAawet o pod osmanl i ska vl ast do kr ajot na P r vat a svet ska vojna, Skopje, 1978, 177-179. The Society opened a Sunday School for Adults bearing the name of the latestohrid Archbishop, Arsenius.
  43. ↑ Ar hi v na Nar odni ot muzej vo Ohrid, F . Mi t r opol i ja: I zhodjač a kni ga na Ohridskot o Nedõl no uči l i če “Sv. Klimentъ“, str. 14; Novi ni , oe , 19, C ar i gr adъ , 25.XI.1894, 4 (the same can be found in the following number).
  44. ↑ Ъo r č e P e t r o v , S pomeni – Kor espondenci ja. Voved, koment ar i r edakci ja pr of . Q uben Lape, Skopje, 1984, 179.
  45. ↑ K.P . Mi si r kovъ , Za makedoncki t e r abot i , Sofija, 1903, Ioe , 1, 45, 67 and 68.
  46. ↑ Kuri erъ , I, 14, Sofija, 21.IH.1904, 4.
  47. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Di mi t r i ja čupovski (1878-1940) i Makedonskot o naučno-l i t er a- t ur no drugar st vo vo P et r ogr ad. P r i l ozi kon proučuvawet o na makedonsko-r uski t e vrski i r azvi t okot na makedonskat a naci onal na mi sl a, I, Skopje, 1978, 246.
  48. ↑ Ibid., II, 16. We find the same title in the monogram on the emblem of this society (ibid., 17, and also on the colour photograph preceding page 289).
  49. ↑ Ibid., II, 153.
  50. ↑ D. čupovskíja, “Makedoníja i Makedoncč (Kul Åt ur no-i stor i českíja obzor ъ Makedoni íi )“, Makedonskíja gol osъ (Makedonski gl as), I, 1, S .-P et er bur gъ , 9.oe .1913, 7-8. All the numbers of the journal present “the first Slav teachers” as the symbol of Macedonian national culture.
  51. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , op. cit., II, 262-263; Vol ja nar oda, 43, Petrogradъ , 18.oe I.1917, 2.
  52. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Makedonski ot st i h 1900-1944. I st r až uvawa i mat er i jal i , I, Skopje, 1980, 116-117.
  53. ↑ His daughter Pavlina Apostolova, living in Skopje, had a large collection of 48 songs and poems by Milan Ъ. Vojnicalija, dedicated by the author to Trajko Kratovaliev on November 21, 1938 (two months before his death), where the first poem, Ot ečest vo (1927), has the dedication “to Cyril and Methodius”.
  54. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Makedonski ot st i h 1900-1944, I, 207-208.
  55. ↑ Ibid., 230-231. Hristo Popsimov’s position on the work of Cyril and Methodius can be seen from his surviving preface to the unpublished collection of poetry entitled Luda krv (Wild Blood) by Voislav IliÎ, dating from 1935 (D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Projavi i prof i l i od makedonskat a l i t er a- t ur na i stor i ja. P r i l ozi za r azvi t okot na makedonskat a kult ur no-naci onal na mi sl a, II, Skopje, 1982, 230; D-r S t ojan Ri st eski , Lit erat urni ispit uvawa, Skopje, 1983, 85).
  56. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Makedonski ot st i h 1900-1944, II, 97.
  57. ↑ K. Mi si r kovъ , “Kr al i Mar ko“, I l i ndenÅ, III, 12, Sofija, 25.III.1923, 2.
  58. ↑ K. Mi si r kovъ –makedonecъ , “ê e uspejat l i ?“, Mi rъ , HHH, 7147, Sofija, 10.Ioe .1924, 1.
  59. ↑ K. Mi si r kovъ , “Makedonija i pr až ki ja kongr esъ “, 20 Æ l i ja, I, 9, Sofija, 8.oe I.1924, 2.
  60. ↑ 185 It must be underlined that the tradition of Cyril and Methodius was also cherished among other Macedonian organizations in the United States and Canada. As early as 1907 in Granite City, for instance, a church community and a church bearing the name of Ss Cyril and Methodius were established, and there has been a similar church in Toronto since 1910 (50-godi š enъ ž bi l eenъ al manahъ na Makedono-Bъ l gar skat a P r avosl avna Cъ r kovna Obč i na “S v. S v. Kiril i Metodi ja“, Tor ont o, Kanada, 1910-1960).
  61. ↑ “Dõl ot o na dvamat a S ol unski br at ja, Makedonski vest i , I, 18, Sofija, 22.oe .1935, 2; “P amet - ni kъ na r avnoapostol i t õ Kiril ъ i Metodi ja“, MV, I, 38, 30.H.1935, 8; A.D., “Zat vъ r djavanet o na Makedonskat a naci onal na kult ur a“, VM, II, 44, 19.II.1936, 5; Angel ъ Di nevъ , “Vel i ki t õ uči t el i na makedonski ja nar odъ i na vsi čki sl avjani “, MV, II, 55, 27.oe .1936, 4; D.G. Zar ovъ , “Sv. Sv. Kiri l ъ i Metodija“, MV, I, 21, 12.oe I.1935, 11, etc.
  62. ↑ Angel ъ Di nevъ , Makedonski t õ sl avjani , Sofija, 1938, 19-24 and 49-61.
  63. ↑ Kočo Raci n, St i hovi i proza. Ur edi l d-r Al eksandar S pasov, Skopje, 1966, 150.
  64. ↑ Ni kol a J onkov Vapcar ov, S pomeni , pi sma, dokument i , BAN, Sofija, 1953, 221.
  65. ↑ Kost a Vesel i novъ , Vъ zr až danet o na Makedonija i I l i ndenskot o vъ zst ani e, Sofija, 1939.
  66. ↑ In addition to other articles (published after 1934), Vasil Ivanovski is the author of the monographic manuscript “Makedonski ja vъ pr os v mi nal ot o i sega. Makedonskat a naci ja i makedonskot o naci onal no sъ znani e“, which he wrote in the Skopje Central Prison in 1943-1944 (Archives of Macedonia, Inv. No. 8773). Among other things, it pays special attention to the Salonika brothers and their disciples and followers. See: Vasi l Ivanovski , Zoš t o ni e Makedonci t e sme oddel na naci ja. I zbrani del a. P r edgovor , i zbor i r edakci ja Ivan Kat ar xi ev, AM, Skopje, 1995, 101-256.
  67. ↑ Ni k. I -vъ , “P r ojavl eni e na maked. sъ znani e“, Makedonski vest i , II, 66, 12.oe III.1936, 3.
  68. ↑ I l egal ni ot pečat na KPJ vo Var dar ska Makedonija meJAu dvet e svet ski vojni . P odgotvil d-r Ivan Kat ar xi ev, t . II, kn. 2, Skopje, 1983, 207; I skra, oe II, 1, [Skopje], Januar [1941], [6].
  69. ↑ I zvori za Osl obodi t el nat a vojna i revol uci jat a vo Makedonija 1941-1945, t . I. Dokument i na Komuni st i čkat a par t i ja na Jugosl avi ja i Komuni st i čkat a par t i ja na Makedonija 1941-1945, kn. 1, I NI , Skopje, 1968, 31.
  70. ↑ Ibid., 247.
  71. ↑ Ibid., 216.
  72. ↑ I stor i ski ar hi v na Komuni st i čkat a par t i ja na Makedonija, t . II. S t at i i od vesni ci t e i spi sani jat a od per i odot na Nar odnoosl obodi t el nat a borba vo Makedonija 1941-1944, kn. pr va, 1941-1943, Skopje, 1952, 81.
  73. ↑ AS NOM (Ant i f aš i st i čko sobrani e na nar odnot o osl oboduvawe na Makedonija). Dokument i od Pr vot o i Vt orot o zasedani e na AS NOM, t . I, kn. 1, AM, Skopje, 1984,232-233.
  74. ↑ Ibid., 339-341.
Преземено од "http://mk.wikibooks.org/wiki/The_Tradition_of_Cyril_and_Methodius_in_Macedonian_Cultural_and_National_Development_in_the_Second_Half_of_the_Nineteenth_Century_and_the_First_Half_of_the_Twentieth_Century"