The National Liberation Programmes of the Macedonian Movement in Progressive Émigré Circles (1934-1941)

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Our research into Macedonian progressive émigré circles has shown that there are no relevant grounds for assuming that there was a single Macedonian progressive movement in the form of an association, organization or institution. It was actually a conglomerate of social, political, cultural and national activities in all the environments of the heterogeneous Macedonian émigré community throughout the world in the 1930s. When speaking of the programme principles of the Macedonian progressive movement in emigration, we refer, above all, to the Macedonians in Bulgaria, ^[1] and also to those in Europe and across the Ocean — in the United States, Canada, Argentina and Uruguay. ^[2]

Specific centres were set up there acting as organizational cores which, through their programmatic action, exerted influence outside their geographical environments as well. Here we must not forget the Macedonian fighters in the international brigades in Spain, which, as a distinct organized national group consisting of people from all the parts of Macedonia, appeared as a single national entity before the international and Macedonian public. ^[3]

We must also bear in mind that, in one or another way, all these progressive émigré circles were rather close to the ideology and programmes of workers’ or communist movements, which operated largely under the direct or indirect control of the Comintern. And the Macedonian people saw very early on that the sole hope for their liberation and unification was in that orientation, even though from a historical point of view, the national rather than the class question was of foremost significance to them.

1. Due to the inaccessibility of relevant archive sources (primarily in Sofia and Moscow), in the gathering of facts and information we have relied mainly on available printed materials and also on the contemporary Macedonian and other progressive press of the period in question, which reflected the ideology and national concepts of the Macedonian progressive movement accurately and in great detail. This means that we have used approximately twenty Macedonian legal and underground periodical publications which we have been able to consult in our country, in Sofia and in Moscow. ^[4] A general characteristic of the Macedonian progressive émigré community in this period was the coordination of its political programme with the lines of development of the progressive movement in the world and particularly in the Balkans, guided from a single centre — the Comintern and the Balkan Communist Federation as its branch until the time of its modification. Hence it is small surprise that the same articles were re-printed in different Macedonian publications. ^[5]

Yet the practical aspects of the national programme of this movement among the Macedonian progressive émigré community bore certain differences depending on the environment and concrete historical circumstances. Typical examples of this are the various resolutions, declarations, announcements, conclusions and similar documents published in these periodicals, from which the general devel- opment of Macedonian progressive liberation thought and action can be followed. An essential and common characteristic which must be emphasized is the fact that the Macedonian progressive émigré community was organized and acted as a single organism, with no divisions or barriers depending on the place of origin of its individual members whatsoever. It was a united Macedonian progressive émigré community and its goals and tasks stemmed from its powerful patriotism and ideology.

We take the year 1934 as crucial, as it marked a turning point in the evolution of the Macedonian national liberation movement. It was by no means dictated from outside, but was actually the result of internal developments and the degree of maturity of the Macedonian national question. Even though Macedonian national thought had developed uninterruptedly from as early as the 1840s, ^[6] and even though the Macedonian progressive press had written about this aspect much earlier, ^[7] underlining its basic principles in 1933, ^[8] we must, however, bear in mind that it was in January 1934 that the Executive Committee of the Comintern sanctioned the official acknowledgement of the Macedonian national individual- ity. This encouraged the free development of Macedonian national thought and facilitated its actions, and defined the conditions for support to the communist parties in the countries controlling the respective parts of Macedonia. In some parts of the land in particular, IMRO (United) was welcomed and accepted by the masses of the people and by the Macedonian émigré community as a Macedonian communist organization or party (which had even earlier led to some intense discussions within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia). ^[9] Macedonian communists seemed to show greater enthusiasm in becoming members of IMRO (United) rather than of the communist parties of the countries in which they lived. This caused the reaction of these communist parties and was largely responsible for the proclamation of the principle of preservation of the Versailles borders, which coincided with the emergence of aggressive fascism that posed a threat to the “first socialist state”.

In accordance with this principle, the slogan of independent Macedonia was changed into the slogan of a Balkan Federation. It seemed rather utopian, and in 1934 a new slogan was formulated for the struggle for cultural and national autonomy of the parts of Macedonia within the countries controlling it. This was aimed to contribute to the easier creation of conditions for cooperation and unity in the struggle of the Balkan workers’ and peasants’ movement, which would lead to the laying of foundations for the proclamation of people’s republics, and only later, following the victory of the proletariat in all the Balkan states, could one think of the unification of the parts of Macedonia into a single and individual republic within the future federation. It was then that the slogan of the creation of a Piedmont was raised — regardless of the country in which historical circumstances would lead to the creation of that “Piedmont autonomy” first. It was believed that the most favourable conditions for achieving this aim at that moment were to be found in the Pirin part of Macedonia, which still manifested some ‘autonomist’ tendencies, and some form of Macedonian patriotism was being intensively built up there.

Yet when the Plenum of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in Split posed the question of the preservation of the Versailles borders, ^[10] it was, naturally, accepted by the rest of the Balkan communist parties. At the Seventh Congress of the Comintern that line became imperative for the communist movement in general, which was now made part, through a directive, of the organized antifascist popular front. The Macedonian progressive émigré community was also included in that concept, and IMRO (United) was sacrificed, to the great relief of some Balkan communist parties, ^[11] even though this party offered certain resistance and postponed its removal from the political scene. ^[12] It is interesting, however, that even when IMRO (United) was removed, its ideology continued to exist, particularly within the Macedonian People’s League of America (United States and Canada), within the Macedonian progressive groups in South America and on the Spanish antifascist front. Thus, even within the framework of the proclamation of the antifascist popular front, which was accepted by the Macedonian progressive movement, the traditional concept of the unity of the Macedonian national front was retained, embodying the slogan of a united, general, Macedonian national liberation and antifascist front. ^[13]

It is also interesting that all programme documents emphasized that the Macedo- nian progressive émigré community by no means abandoned the idea of the unification of the land and the people as their final objective and programme task, and that due to the historical circumstances alone they released that task from prompt operative action. ^[14]

They did the same at the moments when this movement insisted on unification with the entire Macedonian émigré community in general, offering this option, for instance, to the Macedonian political organizations in the United States and Canada. ^[15]

Thanks to all these circumstances, when fascism led to the outbreak of the Second World War the Macedonian progressive émigré community, together with the progressive forces inside Macedonia, joined the united Balkan antifascist bloc. ^[16]

For almost the entire duration of the war Macedonia acted as an individual factor, but not putting special emphasis on the element of unification until the victory of this bloc in the Balkans was achieved. It thus found itself in a situation to wage a joint struggle without a single national leadership, cut up into four insufficiently coordinated segments. ^[17] This is what largely frustrated or at least lessened the prospects of the struggle for the final equitable and fair solution to the ‘Macedonian question’ as a whole.

2. In the course of this period the Macedonian progressive movement waged a purposeful struggle for the development and affirmation of Macedonian national thought and culture. Various legal forms of activity were established: societies, circles, committees, theatres, libraries, reading clubs, etc. Some existing associa- tions of Macedonian émigrés headed by people outside the movement were also used. As a result, in various places in Bulgaria^[18] and America^[19] (as was indeed the case within Macedonia, too), theatre groups were established performing plays in the Macedonian language, which dealt with subjects from the life and struggle of the Macedonian people and which met with a widespread and favour- able reception in the émigré circles. A new Macedonian National Theatre was founded in Sofia^[20] and the play Makedonska krvava svadba (Macedonian Blood Wedding) by Vojdan Černodrinski was again staged, the author having made considerable changes in the text. ^[21]

The activity of the Macedonian Literary Circle in Sofia (1936-1941) was of special significance for the historical development of the Macedonians. ^[22] It was undoubtedly the most important cultural and national Macedonian association of Macedonians from all parts of Macedonia in the inter-war period. It was based on a broad concept and not only united literary authors, but also promoted Macedo- nian arts, criticism, science and political thought — supporting the aims of the national liberation struggle.

Here we must underline the fact that, in all these events and manifestations, the national aspect was treated with a highly-developed consciousness of the Mace- donian individuality. It was no chance that Makedonski Vesti re-printed three times the facsimile of the front page of the journal Makedonskij Golos (Makedonski Glas) ^[23] of Dimitrija Čupovski and of the Macedonian Scholarly and Literary Society in St Petersburg/Petrograd. The same reprint could be found in the pages of the congress collection of the Macedonian People’s League of America in 1937. ^[24]

It was also not by chance that, in his pamphlet Makedonskata prerodba i Ilindenskoto vostanie (The Macedonian Revival and the Ilinden Uprising, 1939), the prominent Macedonian national activist Kosta Veselinov put Krste Misirkov in the foremost place among the Macedonian cultural and national activists of the past. ^[25] Misirkov’s book Za makedonckite raboti was copied and studied in the Macedonian Literary Circle, and sections of these copies were sent to Belgrade to be studied by the Macedonian students there, ^[26] while in 1940 the members of the Circle visited Misirkov’s wife in Sofia, and Kole Nedelkovski wrote in a letter with programmatic overtones to Misirkov’s son, Dr Sergej Misirkov, that the Macedonian Literary Circle wanted to present the biography and activity of his praiseworthy father to the Macedonian public. ^[27]

In the same spirit, as early as 1934, in his article on the Macedonian national individuality^[28] (as well as in his pamphlet published two years later), ^[29] Bistricki (Bistriški, Vasil Ivanovski) put particular emphasis on the cornerstone achieve- ments of the ‘Lozars’, Teodosija Skopski (Gologanov) and Petar Poparsov, to- gether with the impressive Ilinden traditions which continually inspired the intellectual potential of our émigrés in this period. The activity was thus con- sciously directed towards the establishment of the indispensable historical con- tinuity of the Macedonian national and cultural development, without which the success of the national liberation struggle was inconceivable.

Only if we look at the entire activity of the Macedonian progressive émigré community through this prism can we understand the tactful endeavours of its printed mouthpieces (Makedonski Vesti, Makedonska Zemja, Goce, Ilinden 1903, etc.) to publish as many texts as possible on Macedonian national history and, in particular, Macedonian revolutionary history, and thus to contribute with an active and concentrated effort to the building and animation of Macedonian historical consciousness. Hence the editor of Makedonski Vesti, Angel Dinev, in each issue of his periodical had regular columns presenting texts from the Macedonian past, and as early as 1936 he officially announced the publication of his distinguished monograph Ilindenska epopeja (The Ilinden Epic), ^[30] even though its first volume was published only after the Second World War (1945), ^[31] and its second volume could only be printed in 1949 in the free section of his fatherland. ^[32]

For these reasons, Dinev published parts of his book Makedonskite Sloveni (The Macedo- nian Slavs) as articles in 1935-1936, and it was printed separately as an organic whole only as late as 1938, ^[33] playing a historic role in the affirmation of the Macedonian historical and national consciousness and in the organized activity of the Macedonian progressive émigré community for the liberation cause. ^[34]

All these and other actions and acts by the Macedonian progressive movement made it possible to define more clearly the national liberation concept of the Macedonian people and to incorporate this consciousness and will into the Second Ilinden (in spite of all the obstacles presented from outside), as reflected in the documents of the First Session of the Antifascist Assembly of the National Liberation of Macedonia (1944).

1. ↑ As there was a large number of active and revolutionary Macedonian émigrés living in Bulgaria after the Congress of Berlin up to the Balkan Wars, they always felt themselves and insisted on being treated as émigrés (‘émigré community’). This situation continued even after 1918, when a section of Macedonia came within the frontiers of this monarchy, and even today we refer to the Macedonians who lived in the period between the world wars, for instance, in Sofia, as Macedonian émigrés, and yet we do not use the same term for those living, for example, in Belgrade, even though their position was identical.
2. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot nar od i makedonskat a naci ja. P r i l ozi za r azvi - t okot na makedonskat a kul t ur no-naci onal na mi sl a, II, S kopje, 511-522; D-r Blaže Ri s- t ovski, Por t r et i i procesi ..., III, 502-532; Mi l e Mihajlov i Mihajlo Georgievski , ,,Pol i - t i čkat a akt i vnost na Makedonski ot nar oden sojuz vo S AD i Kanada od 1928 do 1935 godi na“, Gl a s n i k , Hoe , 1, Skopje, 1971, 105-136.
3. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Koč o Rac i n. I st or i sk o-l i t er at ur ni i st r až uvawa. P r i l ozi za r azvi t okot na makedonskat a kul t ur no-naci onal na mi sl a, Skopje, 1983, 304-348; Or de I vanoski , ,,Vesni kot ,Tr udova Makedoni ja‘ za Š panskat a gr aGjanska vojna (1936-1939)“, Nova Makedoni ja, 15-19.Ioe .1987.
4. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot nar od i makedonskat a naci ja ..., II, 502-527. For some of these publications, only individual numbers, years or contributions were available to us.
5. ↑ Blaže Ristovski , ,,I l i nden vo pečat ot na makedonskat a emi gr aci ja“, in: Pri l ozi za I l i n-den, oe , Bi t ol a–Kr uš evo, 1983, 227.
6. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot nar od i makedonskat a naci ja ..., I, 1983, 163-280.
7. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , op. cit., II, 528-549.
8. ↑ Makedonsko zname, II, 17, S of i я, 14.HII.1933, 2.
9. ↑ I zvori za i st orijat a na SKM. Dokument i i mat erijal i 1921-1941, I, 2. Redakci ja, pr evod i koment ar i Ivan Kat ar xi ev, Skopje, 1985, 38-39, 183-184, 224-228 and 278.
10. ↑ Pr egl ed na i st or i jat a na S ojuzot na komuni st i t e na Jugosl avi ja, Skopje, 1963, 232-233; Dr Ivan Jelič, Komunistička partija Hrvatske 1937-1941, Zagreb, 1972, 57; Vladi mi r Kartov, ,,Tr et manot na makedonskot o naci onal no pr aš awe vo pol i t i čkat a pl at f or ma na KP J vo t ekot na 1935-1936 godi na“, I storija, HHI, 2, Skopje, 1985, 192-193.
11. ↑ Blaže Ristovski, “The 1934 Comintern resolution on the Macedonian nation and language in the development of Macedonian national culture”, Review, XXX (1), INH, Skopje, 1986, 112-114.
12. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot nar od i makedonskat a naci ja, II, 492-501; see also: Kostadi n Pal ešutski, jugoslavskat a komuni st i česka par t i я i makedonski яt vъ pros 1919-1945, S of i я, 1985, 246-254.
13. ↑ K. Lambr evъ , ,,Kakvo i ska makedonski яt ъ nar odъ ot ъ pr ogr esi vnat a obë est venost Å“, Nar odna vol я, I, 48, Det r oi t ъ , 6.I.1939, 1 and 3; ,,Edno i zl ož eni e“, Nar odna vol я, I, 48, Det r oi t ъ , 6.I.1939, 2; Vl . Mar čъ , ,,Do ger oi t õ na Makedoni я“, Nar odna vol я, I, 50, 20.I.1939, 3; ,,Makedonski яt ъ vъ pr osъ na evr opeàskat a scena“, Nar odna vol я, I, 51, 27.I.1939, 3; ,,I l i ndenci do ,Nar odna vol я‘“, Nar odna vol я, II, 2, 17.II.1939, 1.
14. ↑ This was particularly clearly formulated by the secretary of the Macedonian People’s League of America, Geo Pirinski (,,Novot o pol ož eni e na Bal kani t õ i r eal nat a post anovka na mal ci n- st veni я vъ pr osъ “, Nar odna vol я, II, 10, 14.Ioe .1939, 1-2), at the moment when Hitler occupied Austria and invaded Czechoslovakia. “It is clear,” wrote Pirinski, “that a Joint Balkan Bloc against the incursion of Hitler can be strong only if oppressed peoples and minorities, such as the Croats, Macedonians, Montenegrins, Slovenes, etc., actively join it. But these Balkan peoples and minorities will still hesitate to take part in such a Joint Balkan Bloc if they are not granted certain rights, if their position is not made easier. Therefore democratic forces in Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Greece and Romania are raising as their chief internal slogan the struggle for equal democratic rights of all peoples and minorities in Yugoslavia, Greece, Bulgaria and Romania. This means that Bulgarian, Serbian and Greek democratic movements and forces will fight in their countries so that democratic rights and freedoms as regards language, schools, churches, press, organizations, etc. may be granted to the Macedonians, Croats, Montenegrins, Slovenes, etc. Yet this struggle for equal democratic rights of the Macedonians, Croats, Montenegrins, etc. will be the more successful the sooner the Macedonians, Croats, etc. themselves take a more active part in it.” The author continued by writing imperatively: “Today the Macedonians and Croats should not raise as a main slogan the struggle for their final goal — full national independence or full autonomy — and put the achievement of these slogans as a condition for their participation in the democratic front of the Balkan countries or for their participation in the Joint Balkan Bloc against Hitler’s campaign in the Balkans, because if they posed that question in such a manner at the present political moment, they would not only fail to help the early establishment of the Joint Balkan Bloc and democratic front of popular forces in the countries themselves, but on the contrary — with these slogans for their final goal they would encumber the struggle for a Joint Balkan Bloc and would aid the German imperialist incursion. The final goal of the Macedonian and Croatian national liberation movements — full national independence — will be achieved the sooner the Macedonians and Croats take active part now in the struggle for equal rights of all peoples and minorities in the Balkan countries and also in the building of the Joint Balkan Bloc against Hitler’s incursion. Many Bulgarians, Serbs and Greeks, who are now ready and are fighting together with the Macedonians and Croats for equal rights, have still not reached the stage of helping and taking an active part in the struggle of the Croats and Macedonians for full autonomy and national independence. These Bulgarians, Greeks and Serbs will most quickly come to an understanding of the final goals of the national liberation movements of the oppressed peoples and minorities in their countries through the struggle for equal rights.”
15. ↑ ,,Š est i я kongr es na Sъ ю za. Dokl ad na C.K. na M.N.S. po deànost a na obedi neni et o na makedonskat a emi gr aci я“, Dokl adči k – Geo P i r i nski . Tr udova Makedoni я, III, 1, De t r oi t , 15.oe II.1936, 1-5; III, 2, 30.oe II.1936, 4-5; III, 3, 15.oe III.1936, 4-5 and 7; III, 4, 30.oe III.1936, 4-5 and 7; D. Todor ov, ,,Edi nst vo!“, Tr udova Makedoni я, Ioe , 7, 15.H.1937; ,,Cent r al ni я Komi t et ъ na Makedonski я Nar odenъ Sъ ю zъ , S.A.ê . Dekl ar aci я vъ r hu t ekuë i t e sъ bi t i я i pr ed- st oяë i t e zadači pr edъ makedonci t e vъ Amer i ka“, Nar odna vol я, III, 4, 1.III.1940; ,,Cent r al - ni я Komi t et ъ na Makedonski я Nar odenъ Sъ ю zъ , S.A.ê . Rezol ю ci я vъ r hu bor bat a za edi nst vo na makedonci t e vъ Amer i ka“, Nar odna vol я, III, 5, 8.III.1940, 1; ,,Edi nst vo za svobodat a na Makedoni я!“, Nar odna vol я, III, 9, 1940, 2; ,,Da zaë i t i mъ pr avot o na makedon- ski я nar odъ da se bor i za svobodat a si !“, Nar odna vol я, II, 10, 14.Ioe .1940, 3; A.M., ,,Make- donskot o edi nst vo“, Nar odna vol я, III, 24, 1940, 1; ,,Apel a na zagor i čani za makedonskot o edi nst vo“, Nar odna vol я, III, 7, 22.III.1940, 3; ,,Naci onal ni я Komi t et ъ na Makedono-Amer i - kanski я Nar odenъ Sъ ю zъ pr edl aga na Cent r al ni я Komi t et ъ na Makedonski t e P ol i - t i česki Or gani zaci i obë a akci я. Vъ zaë i t a na Makedoni я“, Nar odna vol я, Ioe , 6, 14.III. 1941, 2.
16. ↑ The president of the Macedonian People’s League, Smile Vojdanov, signed an important document (,,Ger manskot o naš est vi e na Bal kani t e ne nosi osvobož deni e, a novo i oë e po-čer no r obst vo i za Makedoni я. Edno važ no komю ni ke na Makedono-Amer i kanski я Nar odenъ Sъ ю zъ do amer i kanskat a pr esa“, Nar odna vol я, Ioe , 11, 18.Ioe .1941, 1 and 3) that ended with the following words: “Since the Balkan Wars in 1912/13 the Macedonian people has suffered extreme injustice under the triple oppression of the reactionary and pro-fascist leaders in Athens, Sofia and Belgrade. The Macedonians, however, know that their future as a free people lies not in joining Hitler and Mussolini, who are devastating the Macedonian villages and towns, nor in the opposite camp which in 1919 agreed to the partition of Macedonia among the three Balkan states, but that it lies in the understanding and joint struggle of the Balkan peoples for a Democratic Federation of Free Balkan Peoples’ Republics.”
17. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot f ol kl or i naci onal nat a svest . P r i l ozi za r azvi - t okot na makedonskat a kul t ur no-naci onal na mi sl a, I, S kopje, 1987, 381-392; see also the discussion in: AS NOM vo sozdavawet o na drž avat a na makedonski ot nar od, MANU, S kopje, 1987, 442-450; Kol e Čaš ul e, Zapisi za nacijat a i l i t erat urat a, S kopje, 1985, 164-185.
18. ↑ Makedonski vest i , I, 2, S of i я, 2.II.1935, [9]; I, 3, 9.II.1935, 8; I, 9, 23.III.1935, 7; Makedonska zemя, I, 1, S of i я, 23.I.1936, 8.
19. ↑ Tr udova Makedoni я, III, 13, 15.I.1937, 1 (pi esat a Kovači t e); III, 14, 30.I.1937, 1 (dr amat a Upori t i ot ) and 3 (S l avnat a pet or ka).
20. ↑ Makedonski vest i , II, 65, 5.oe III.1936, 3; II, 66, 12.oe III.1936, 4.
21. ↑ Makedonski vest i , II, 65, 4.III.1936, 12; Vojdan Čer nodr i nski , S obrani del a. Pri redi l Al eksandar Al eksi ev, I, Skopje, 1976, 262-264
22. ↑ Mi hai l Smat r akal ev, ,,Duš at a na Makedonski я l i t er at ur en kr ъ ž ok“, Pi r i nsko del o, oe , 30, G. Dž umaя, 24.oe II.1947, 4; Mi hai l S mat r akal ev in: Ni kol a ä onkov Vapcar ov. S pomeni , pi sma, dokument i , BAN, S of i я, 1953, 159-171; Di mi t ar Mi t r ev, Makedonski ot l i t er a- t ur en kr už ok, Bi bl i ot eka ,,Sovr emenost “, kn. 37, S kopje, 1977; Blaže Ristovski , ,,P r i l og kon makedonskat a l i t er at ur na i st or i ja. Makedonski ot jazi k vo l i t er at ur na upot r eba i l i t er at ur at a na Makedonci t e pi š uvana na t uGji jazi ci (II)“, S ovr emenost , HIoe , 5, Skopje, 1964, 509-530; Blaže Ristovski , ,,P ogl ed kon naci onal nat a akt i vnost na Ni kol a Vapcar ov i na Makedonski ot l i t er at ur en kr už ok vo S of i ja“, S ovr emenost , HHH, 1, 1980, 40-50: Gane Todor ovski , ,,40 godi ni od f or mi r awet o na Makedonski ot l i t er at ur en kr už ok vo S of i ja (1938-1978). Bl eskavo pogl avje vo naš at a l i t er at ur na i st or i ja“. S t remež , HHHIII, 1, P r i l ep, 1979, 83-95.
23. ↑ Makedonski vest i , I, 26, 20.oe II.1935, 5; I, 29, 7.oe III.1935, 9; II, 59, 24.oe I.1936, 1.
24. ↑ Dokl ad na Cent r al ni я komi t et na Makedonski я nar oden sъ ю z pred del egat i t e na S edmi я godi š en kongr es, v Ger i , I ndi ana, na 5, 6 i 7 sept emvri , 1937 god., 32.
25. ↑ Kost a Vesel i novъ , Vъ zr až danet o na Makedoni я i I l i ndenskot o vъ zst ani e, S of i я, 1939, 32.
26. ↑ According to Mitko Zafirovski’s words in Skopje, in 1961.
27. ↑ D-r S er gej Mi si r kov, ,,Mal i spomeni za Kol e Nedel kovski i Ni kol a Vapcar ov“, Report er , I, 10, S kopje, 9.HI.1955, 4; D-r Blaže Ristovski , ,,Kol e Nedel kovski za del ot o na Mi si r kov. Test ament al ni por aki “, LI K, oe III, 262, 16.III.1994, 13.
28. ↑ Bi st r i š ki , ,,Zaë o ni e makedonci t e sme ot del na naci я?“, in: Čet vъ r t i я kongr es na Make- donski я nar oden sъ ю z v Amer i ka, Det r oi t , 1934, 42-55.
29. ↑ Bi st r i cki , Makedonskat a naci я, Sof i я, 1936. We have not had the opportunity of examining the pamphlet, but we know of it from the unsigned review by its editor, Dr N. Minkov (D-r N. Mi nkov, ,,Makedonska naci я“, Naciя i pol i t i ka, II, 5, S of i я, ja ni –avgust 1936, 148-149).
30. ↑ Makedonski vest i , II, 73, 8.H.1936, 3.
31. ↑ Angel Di nev, I l i ndenska epopeя (Razvoя na maked. osvobodi t el no dvi ž eni e), t om I, S of i я y. a . (but according to the writing of the author himself on the non-paginated page 440, it must have been published after October 11, 1945).
32. ↑ Angel Di nev, I l i ndenska epopea, del II, S kopje, 1949.
33. ↑ Angel ъ Di nevъ , ,,Makedonski t õ sl avяni “, Makedonski vest i , II, 69, 3.IH.1936, 4; II, 70, 10.IH.1936, 4; II, 71, 17.IH.1936, 4; II, 73, 8.H.1936, 2; II, 74, 16.H.1936, 4. Due to the newspaper’s being banned, the text was not completed. It was published in its entirety as a separate booklet: Angel ъ Di nevъ , Makedonski t õ sl avяni , S of i я, 1938, 72.
34. ↑ Api sъ [Vasi l Haxi ki mov], S Ã ë est vuva l i makedonska naci я, S of i я, 1939, s. 46; St . Boяdž i evъ , S Ã ë est vuva l i makedonska naci я?, S of i я, 1940, s. 39.