Macedonian Cultural and National Thought and Action in the Period between the Two World Wars

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Immediately after the Treaty of Versailles, the Macedonian forces of all factions consolidated themselves and continued the struggle for liberation in the new circumstances. They soon began to differentiate themselves into two basic cur- rents: the ‘right’ (headed by IMRO and the Executive Committee of the Macedo- nian Brotherhoods) and the ‘left’ (headed by adherents of progressive movements). Both fought for a united Macedonian state, but with different means and on different platforms: IMRO continued its revolutionary and terrorist activity, with a compromise national policy serving Bulgarian revanchist policy, while the Macedonian progressive movement saw its prospects in the unification of libera- tion forces around the ‘leftist’ programme platform which had Balkan connota- tions and enjoyed international support, and respected the centuries-old aspira- tions of the Macedonian people.

In late April and early May 1924 a serious attempt was made at unifying the shattered Macedonian liberation movement, and a Declaration was signed which stressed that the movement “fights for the liberation and unification of the dismembered parts of Macedonia into a fully individual (independent) political unit, within its natural ethnic and geographical borders”. [1] This was also confirmed in the Minutes of the meeting of representatives from the Central Com- mittee of IMRO and the Central Committee of the Macedonian Émigré Federal Organization of April 30. [2]

May 6, 1924 was the date when the “Manifesto to the Macedonian people, to the organized revolutionary population of Macedonia and to the Macedonian revolutionaries” was signed, a document which elaborated in the most comprehensive and accurate way the same programmatic orientation as “the first and the most decisive step in the creation of the indispensable favourable atmosphere for the convocation in the near future of a unifying congress of the entire Macedonian revolutionary movement, where, with the efforts of all sincere Macedonian revolutionaries, a united Macedonian revolutionary front will be created, which, in close cooperation with all progressive-revolutionary movements in the Balkans and in Europe, will win freedom and independence for Macedonia, and which will impose the establishment of the Balkan federation and secure peace in the Balkans — in order to help the establishment of peace in the whole of Europe”. [3]

The federalist concepts on the solution of the ‘Macedonian question’ were deeply instilled in the consciousness of the Macedonians, as the unification of partitioned Macedonia could only be achieved within a federal or confederal framework. As a result, Dimitrija Čupovski once again appealed: “We defend the independence of Macedonia together with the idea of the establishment of a Balkan People’s Federal Republic as an indispensable condition.” [4]

In those years Krste Misirkov came to the same conclusion, even though it concerned only the partial settlement of the ‘Macedonian question’ in the separate parts of Macedonia. Seeing the unprecedented terror of the Serbian authorities over the Macedonian population in Yugoslavia, he proclaimed: “Not simply putting one’s signature in the name of unity, but a federation of regions and nationalities in the name of freedom and equality can save Yugoslavia from inevitable disaster.” [5]

Misirkov was above all interested in the human and national rights of the Macedonians and sought means for the establishment of peace in the Balkans. Aware that “the road to mediaeval rivalries between the Greeks, Bulgari- ans and Serbs for domination and hegemony in the Balkans leads only through Macedonia,” Misirkov warned: “Only through the unification of all Macedonians in the three Macedonias and of all the émigrés in the four neighbouring Balkan capitals and in America, with a joint programme for making Macedonia a Swit- zerland in the Balkans, where every municipality will have a right to national and religious self-determination, will a stop be put to Balkan and general European rivalry for hegemony in the Balkans. It is only in an independent Macedonia that the guarantee lies for the pacification of the Near East, and through it, of the whole of Europe.” [6]

As the Balkan Communist Federation was set up and became active in the meantime — envisaging, among other things, a united republic of Macedonia in the planned federal state — the Macedonians saw their future in the communist movement, which was the only movement to promise liberation together with national self-determination and unification. It was on these premises that, in October 1925, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (United) was established, which immediately started publishing its mouthpiece, Makedonsko Delo. It was a national organization that united “all the revolutionary Macedonian forces of different orientations and nuances on the basis of the principles and ideas contained in the essentials of the Manifesto of May 6, 1924”. [7]

Article 1 of the Constitution of IMRO (United) said that the Organization “has the task of achiev- ing the freedom and independence of Macedonia within its geographical and economic borders, and making an autonomous political unit of it, which, as an equal member, will be a constituent part of the future Balkan federation”. [8]

For more than a decade IMRO (United) was the pillar around which Macedonian liberation action was organized over the whole ethnic territory of Macedonia, through the activity of special regional committees.

The activity of the Macedonian student groups in the various centres of the Balkans and in Europe was of particular significance in this period. The most important among these were the Goce Delčev Macedonian Popular Student Group in Sofia (1930-1934), [9] which published as its mouthpieces Makedonski Studentski List, Makedonska Studentska Tribuna and Makedonska Mladež, and actively participated in writing articles for the unifying mouthpieces Makedonsko Zname (1932-1934), Makedonski Vesti (1935-1936), Makedonska Zemja (1936), etc., and the Vardar Cultural-Educational Society in Zagreb (1935-1938), [10] which later developed its own important branches in Belgrade and Skopje, and whose printed mouthpiece became Naš Vesnik (1937), banned after its first issue. The activity of the Literary Group in Skopje (1931-1933), which gathered mostly progressive writers, was similar. Shortly thereafter this group gave birth to the revolutionary-conspiratorial Macedonian Youth Revolutionary Organization (known under its acronym, MORO, 1933-1934), [11] which swiftly spread its activity over almost the entire territory of the Vardar section of Macedonia and based its operation on the platform of the May Manifesto, but only within the frontiers of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In addition to the writing of literature in the native Macedonian tongue, MORO’s young revolutionaries made efforts to get to know themselves better, and studied Macedonian history and culture, gathered works of Macedonian folklore and tried to define the Macedonian alphabet, proposing their own designs for some of the graphemes representing unique Macedonian sounds. It was here that we find some of the subsequently distin- guished writers and national activists such as Venko Markovski, Kole Nedelkovski and Kočo Racin. Their work was suppressed following the assassination of King Alexander, and a large number of MORO’s more prominent members were arrested, but soon afterwards some of them became active again within the Sofia Macedonian Literary Circle and took part in the National Liberation War during the Second World War.

Of special significance for this progressive movement in the Vardar part of Macedonia was the manifold activity of the self-educated Kočo Racin. He joined the communist ranks as early as 1924, became a prominent member after 1928, and developed his most significant activity following his arrival in Skopje and the organization of the Regional Committee of the Communist Party in Macedonia (1931-1933), when he started printing its official mouthpiece, Iskra, and publish- ing the pamphlets The USSR and Macedonia; Macedonia is neither Serbian nor Bulgarian or Greek, etc. [12]

It was Racin’s detention and sentence that resulted in a temporary delay in the rapid growth of the national liberation movement. The most significant question for the Macedonians until the Second World War was the building of the Macedonian national and historical consciousness and the affirmation of the Macedonian literary language. In the 1930s the young intelli- gentsia was very active in trying to become better acquainted with its own past, which was considerably muddled by the brutal greater-Serbian regime. Contacts with the young progressive circles of Macedonian émigrés in Sofia and the transfer of publications and ideas into the Vardar section of the land proved very useful. This became a particularly frequent practice after the May visit of Macedonian students from Belgrade University to Sofia (1939) and the historic meeting with the members of the Macedonian Literary Circle.

The 1930s in the Vardar part of Macedonia were characterized by significant creative activity in the Macedonian language, above all, in the fields of drama and poetry. In addition to the plays of Vasil Iljoski, Anton Panov and Risto Krle, which were publicly performed on the stage in Skopje, a number of dramatic pieces by Macedonian authors remained in the form of manuscript, testifying to a wide- spread process which was directly transferred to the liberation front. [13]

There was an even greater number of people who wrote poetry in their native tongue and published it in periodicals throughout Yugoslavia, and particularly in Macedonia. Of considerable importance for the affirmation of the Macedonian poetic word were the Skopje journal Luč (1937-1938) and the newspaper Naša Reč (1939- 1941), where the following young authors published works of poetry: Kočo Racin, Anton Panov, Ceko Stefanov Popivanov, Radoslav Petkovski, Voislav Ilić, Blagoj Stefkovski, Asen Todorov, Hristo Popsimov, Mite Bogoevski, Kire Dimov, Branko Zarevski, Kuzman Josifovski, Risto Lazoski, etc. [14]

A special place in the history of modern Macedonian literature must be assigned to the collections of poetry Idi prolet (The Spring Is Coming, 1939) and Makedonska kitka (Macedonian Posy, 1941) by Volče Naumčeski[15] and, in particular, Beli mugri (White Dawns, 1939) by Kočo Racin. [16]

The Macedonians living within the borders of Bulgaria also developed a widespread literary and national activity. In addition to the plays of Vojdan Černodrinski, [17] there appeared the celebrated dramatic piece Ilinden (1923) by Nikola Kirov Majski, [18] Narod i crkva (People and Church); Duhot na Makedonija (The Spirit of Macedonia) (1931) and Pesnata na robot (The Song of the Slave) by Nikola Drenkov, etc. Besides the individual books of poetry by Nikola Džerov, Dimitar Milenski, Nikola Kirov Majski, etc., [19] the following collections of verse were published: Narodni bigori (The Bitterness of the People) and Oginot (The Fire) (1938); Lulkina pesna – Elegii (Cradle Song – Elegies); Goce Delčev – Poema (Goce Delčev – A Poem), and Prangi – Soneten venec (Shackles – A Sonnet Sequence) (1939); Lunja – Makedonska lirika (Tempest – Macedonian Lyrics); Ilinden – Poema (Ilinden – A Poem), and Čudna e Makedonija (Macedonia is Marvellous) (1940); Bie dvanaeset (It Strikes Twelve, 1941) by Venko Markov- ski, [20] and M’skavici (Flashes of Lightning, 1940) and Peš po svetot (Around the World on Foot, 1941) by Kole Nedelkovski. [21]

There was an even greater number of Macedonian poets and writers in Bulgaria who used the official Bulgarian language. They not only published many individ- ual works, but also important collections [Nikola Vapcarov, Angel Žarov (Mihail Smatrakalev), Anton Popov, Todor Šomov, Georgi Abadžiev, Kiril Manasiev (Večerin), etc.]. All of them, from all three parts of Macedonia, in 1936 founded in Sofia the Macedonian Literary Circle, which was active as part of the editorial board of Makedonski Vesti. [22]

When the newspaper was banned and the Circle dissolved, the Macedonian activists set up a new association, Nation and Culture (1937), and later, via the Journalists’ Circle, renewed the Macedonian Literary Circle (1938-1941), [23] which became the most active Macedonian national asso- ciation of the period and the most successful organizer and propagator of Mace- donian national thought. It was there that the history of the Macedonian revolu- tionary movement, Ilindenska epopeja (Ilinden Epic) by Angel Dinev, was pre- pared (1936). [24] It was there, too, that the same author published the most outstanding book on Macedonian national development, Makedonskite Sloveni (The Macedonian Slavs, 1938). Towards the end of the book Dinev states: “The people who gave the alphabet to the entire Slavic world, who brought forth the great revolutionary and reformer Bogomil and the austere warrior Samuel; who lived for 19 whole years, from 1893 to 1912, in the revolutionary republic established secretly in the Sultan’s state; who by self-denial created the Ilinden epic; who waged a bloody armed struggle against armed propaganda; who fought against the Sultan’s troops in the streets of Constantinople — that people will never, never forget its historical past and, in spite of having no freedom whatsoever, will never lose its ethnic character, its spirit or its mother tongue.” [25]

Historical and theoretical contributions on the Macedonian nation and culture started appearing especially in the 1930s, mostly from people within the Mace- donian progressive movement. In 1933 Vasil Ivanovski published the pamphlet The Ideas and Tasks of the Macedonian Progressive Movement, and the newspaper Makedonsko Zname explained: “The Macedonian progressive movement is a national one, as its goal is the national liberation of Macedonia. It is not a party movement, nor a movement of a particular group or class, but according to its character it is broadly popular and democratic, as its very goal (the national liberation of Macedonia) is a broadly popular and democratic task.” [26]

As it was impossible, due to the different conditions in the countries that controlled Mace- donia, to gain independence within the framework of a Balkan federation, the movement raised the principle of “the right to self-determination of the Macedo- nian people, including separation into an independent state-political unit”. The option of establishing “an autonomous national region (autonomous republic)” in one of the ruling countries was publicly announced, “until the other two parts of Macedonia are liberated, and all of them are separated from Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia to be united into a joint Macedonian state”. [27] Yet the most important thing for the movement was the equitable settlement of the national question. As a result, numerous contributions were published dealing with the Macedonian nation, and Vasil Ivanovski published his detailed paper ‘Why We Macedonians are a Separate Nation’. [28]

The Comintern could not ignore this activity and assessed it from its own point of view: in early 1934 it was impelled to acknowledge officially the Macedonian national entity and the Mace- donian language as separate in the Slavic world. This actually meant the acknow- ledgement of the century-long struggle of the Macedonian people for national affirmation and represented a very significant support aiding the final liberation. It can by no means be interpreted as the creation of the Macedonian nation and the Macedonian language, as the Macedonians have always emphasized their slogan: “We must state clearly so that everybody can hear us that we are neither Serbs nor Greeks or Bulgarians. We are Macedonians, an individual Macedonian nation. It is only in this way that we can best defend the individuality of our movement and of our right to an independent Macedonian state.” [29]

Due to the fact that they could not freely express their programme objectives, the Macedonians published underground newspapers such as Obedinist, Nožot, Makedonska Revoljucija and Makedonsko Edinstvo, [30] in which they raised high “the banner of the Macedonian revolution to win the right to self-determination for Macedonia until its separation into an individual political state unit, for a free and independent Macedonia of the Macedonian people”, for “[w]e are neither true Serbs, nor pure Bulgarians, nor are we Slavophone Hellenes, we are an individual Macedonian nation”. [31]

The Macedonian national liberation programme defined in this way in the period prior to the Second World War was expressed through a large number of leaflets, proclamations, protests and public meetings, and also through individual publications, such as the banned periodicals Goce (1938) [32] and Ilinden 1903 (1939). [33] Kosta Veselinov, a member of the Macedonian Literary Circle, started publishing a whole series of booklets as part of his National Scientific Library: Nationally-Subjugated Peoples and National Minorities (1938), The Rebirth of Macedonia and the Ilinden Uprising (1939) and Fighters for National Freedom (1940). [34]

As far as the Vardar section of Macedonia was concerned, the liberation movement turned entirely towards the Regional Committee of the Communist Party in Macedonia, as it was only there that they could see their future, warning: “Defend your people’s name and wage a struggle for popular rights and the freedom of Macedonia.” [35]

And when Professor Nikola Vulič, in 1939 and 1940, again authoritatively demanded that the name Macedonia should not be used, but South Serbia, there were protests from all sides: “The name Macedonia has not been imposed by force in recent times, but it is the name ‘South Serbia’, Professor, Sir, which has been introduced and used by Serbian chauvinists, imperialists and oppressors of the new ageThe Macedonian ethnicity, i.e. nationality, exists although not in the form of a separate independent state at this momentNo historical rights, no traditions can justify the authority of Serbian imperialists in MacedoniaFirst of all, the Macedonian language is neither Serbian nor Bulgarian, it is different, MacedonianThe Macedonian nation has been formed historically, and is not the product of the mind of this or that person. The Macedonian people has been waging an organized struggle for its existence for more than 50 yearsThe crown of all this was the great Ilinden Uprising and the Kruševo Popular Republic headed by the glorious Karev and Pito GulevAfter the unsuccessful Ilinden Uprising, following 1903, we have had Serbophile, Bulgarophile and Graecophile propaganda in MacedoniaBut neither the terror nor the propaganda, to this very day, has broken the Macedonian spirit of freedom and equality. The Macedonian people fought, fights and will fight together with all those oppressed until its full liberation...”[36]

The national spirit of the liberation movement became particularly strong after the establishment of the new Regional Committee of the Communist Party in Macedonia headed by Metodija Šatorov Šarlo. This was a period when the largest number of underground materials in the Macedonian language were published and the time when the important Regional Conference was held (September 1940). Its Resolution actually presented the national programme of the struggle for “a free and independent Macedonia,” [37] which the Macedonian people used in carrying out the mass Ilinden demonstrations in towns and taking part in the National Liberation War, with “their final goal: full liberation and equality for Macedonia — including the demand for secession into an individual state community”. [38]

This was confirmed by the mouthpieces of the Regional Committee, Bilten (1940) and Iskra (1940), which also pointed to the “final goal — a f r e e Macedonian republic”. [39]

The situation among the Macedonians in the Aegean part of Macedonia was not very different in spite of the brutal measures applied by the authorities. Macedonian national consciousness and the Macedonian mother tongue were manifestly expressed considerably earlier than the Resolution of the Comintern. There were many examples; we shall quote only a few of them. For instance, three Macedonians (Stojan Balaska, G. Pečkov and T. Manov) killed a Graecophile in Lerin (Cantevski), and were sentenced to death and shot (1932). In court Balaska declared that he “was born a Macedonian and will die a Macedonian”, because as a former “member of the Macedonian national liberation organization”, he now, too, fought “for the freedom of Macedonia”. [40]

When the court ruling was read to Pečkov, and “when they stated that he had been born in Lerin and that he was Greek, he exclaimed: ‘No, no, I was born in Sofia, but I am not a Bulgarian, nor am I a Greek, I am a Macedonian’”. [41]

Unforgettable too are the words of Manov, who exclaimed just before being shot: “I am a Macedonian and will die a Macedonian! I am neither a Bulgarian nor a comitadji...”[42]

In November 1932 a Macedonian wrote extensively in the newspaper O Neos Rizospastis on the position of the Macedonian national minority in Greece and on the attitude and “patriotism” of the “liberators” towards “a single people — the Macedonian nationality — which is neither Bulgarian, nor Greek or Serbian, but — Macedonian”, because “[i]n Macedonia under Bulgaria, Greece or Serbia there are neither Greeks, nor Bulgarians or Serbs. There exist only Macedonians (of course, we are not referring to those who have recently settled in Macedonia)”. The reporter pointed out that during his visit to “the places and mountains in Macedonia (Kostur, Lerin)” what immediately came to mind was that they were “not at all Greek, or Bulgarian, or Serbian”. “There is something special in their clothes; the same refers to their language. Their Slavonic language resembles Bulgarian, but it is not the same. Speaking the Macedonian language, you can certainly communicate with the Serbs as well as the Bulgarians. That language is still spoken today by more than 100,000 people as their mother tongue. They do not know any other language. So many centuries have passed since the Slav element settled Macedonia that no one knows anything other than that he was born in that place and that he will die there. And that he is neither a Greek, nor a Bulgarian or a Serb.” As a result, the Macedonian reporter concluded: “[W]e are not dealing here with Greeks, or Bulgarians, or Serbs in Macedonia, but with a Macedonian people, with a Macedonian minority, which, despite all blows and despite all oppression, has preserved its economic and national existence and its distinct culture. In this case it means that the Macedonian people has national consciousness.” He also pointed out that “it is forbidden for the children, who are obliged to go to school in order to learn the Greek language, etc. ...] to speak their Macedonian mother tongue. If anything like that happens, the teacher confines the child in the school cellar for a day or frequently longer.” Inspectors and policemen kept vigil to prevent Macedonian from being spoken even at home, though, for instance, “no woman speaks Greek”. In 1931, for example, the Greek captain Vangelis in Lerin, “made a farmer black by beating him, because the latter spoke Macedonian”. Or “[i]n V’mbel, in the Kostur region, ten young people were beaten until they bled and then sentenced to prison terms, because they sang songs in their native tongue. The same happened in the village of Aposkep, where the peasants celebrated May Day by singing national-revolutionary songs and the Internationale, translated into Macedonian.” [43]

Those Macedonians, in the words of another reporter, “clench their teeth, persistently speak their Macedonian language, proudly wear their Macedonian folk costumes and believe, hope and patiently and silently fight for a Macedonia of their own, for a free Macedonia”. [44]

In early September 1934 the Macedonian Societies from the Voden villages of Arsen and Vrtikop “thunderously” proclaimed: “We are neither Bulgarians nor Greeks! We are Macedonians! We will fight for full independence from the Bulgarian, Serbian and Greek yokes” and called upon the Macedonians from the Lerin and Enidže-Vardar regions to start publishing “a newspaper of the Macedo- nians from western Macedonia in our mother tongue”. [45]

In January 1935 a group of Macedonians joined the protests against the closure of Greek schools in Albania, saying: “We, the subjugated Macedonian minority, wholeheartedly wish that the demands of our brothers from northern Epirus be satisfied, as we, the Macedo- nians, are in the same position, under the yoke of the Greek government. We are also demanding before the entire working class and before the progressive press that they, too, raise their voice in favour of our rights. We also wish to speak our Macedonian language freely and to open our own schools, Macedonian ones, where our children will learn.” [46]

Such was the consciousness of the Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia when the Second World War broke out and they joined the antifascist struggle.

But, undoubtedly, many thousands of Macedonian émigrés in Europe, and North and South America strongly supported Macedonian national affirmation in the inter-war period. In addition to the mouthpiece of IMRO (United), Makedonsko Delo, the following progressive newspapers appeared in the Macedonian Dias- pora: Makedonski Bjuletin (Pontiac, 1930-1931), Balkansko Sdruženie (Detroit, 1931-1934), Trudova Makedonija (Detroit, 1934-1938), Narodna Volja (Detroit, 1938), Edinstvo (Toronto, 1936-1940), Makedonski Glas (Buenos Aires, 1935- 1939), etc. [47]

The annual collections of printed materials from the congresses of the Macedonian People’s League of America were also of considerable impor- tance. They paid special attention to the Civil War in Spain, where the Macedo- nian fighters called upon the congress of the Macedonian People’s League: “Explain to every Macedonian man and Macedonian woman that everyone who fights for the salvation of Spain from fascism at the same time fights for the liberation of Macedonia.” [48]

At this time when it was impossible for the Macedonians in Macedonia (in all its parts) to spread their ideas freely, all the more important official documents of the liberation movement were published in the Diaspora, manifesting the unity of the Macedonian people from all parts of their fatherland, as “without the building of Macedonian unity the liberation of Macedonia is unthinkable, the completion of the national revolution is unthinkable”. [49] Thus-prepared, the Macedonian people joined the anti-Hitler coalition in the Second World War. Therefore the activists from the inter-war period also became organizers and leaders of the armed national liberation struggle in all the parts of Macedonia. And thus there began the Second Ilinden.


  1. ↑ I zmenni ci t e na makedonskot o del o, P r aga, 1926, 53.
  2. ↑ Ibid., 55-56.
  3. ↑ La Fédération Balkanique, I, 1, 15.oe II.1924, 16.
  4. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Dimitrija Čupovski (1878-1940) i Makedonskot o naučno-l i t er a- t ur no drugar st vo vo P et r ogr ad, II, Skopje, 1978, 329.
  5. ↑ K. Misirkovъ, ,,Sъrbi tõ i i l i ndenskata 20-godi š nina“, I l i ndenÅ, III, 23, S of i я, 26.oe II.1923, 2.
  6. ↑ K. Mi si r kovъ , ,,I zhodъ t ъ “, P irinъ , I, 8, S of i я, 2.HII.1923, 1.
  7. ↑ Makedonsko del o, I, 15, 10.Ioe .1926, 5.
  8. ↑ VMRO (Obedi net a) Dokument i i mat er i jal i , I. I zbor , r edakci ja i koment ar I van Kat ar xi ev, Skopje, 1991, 89.
  9. ↑ S t udent sko zname, II, 4, S of i я, 20.HII.1930; Makedonski st udent ski l i st ъ , I, 1, S of i я, 4.HII.1931, 1-2; I, 2, 19.HII.1931, 3-4; Makedonska st udent ska t r i buna, II, 1, S of i я, 20.H.1932, 1; Makedonsko zname, II, 20, S of i я, 9.Ioe .1934, 4; Makedonsko del o, oe III, 185, Apr i l 1934, 8; D-r Blaže Ristovski , Por t r et i i procesi od makedonskat a l i t er at ur na i naci onal na i st or i ja, III, Skopje, 1990, 293-318.
  10. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Projavi i prof i l i od makedonskat a l i t er at ur na i st or i ja, II, Skopje, 1982, 161-191.
  11. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Koč o Rac i n. I st or i sk o-l i t er at ur ni i st r až uvawa, Skopje, 1983, 128-176.
  12. ↑ Ibid., 93-116.
  13. ↑ Al eksandar Al eksi ev, Osnovopol ož ni ci t e na makedonskat a dramska l i t er at ur a, Skopje, 1972; Al eksandar Al eksi ev, Makedonskat a drama meGju dvet e svet ski vojni (I zbor), I-II, Skopje, 1976; Mi odr ag Dr ugovac, I st or i ja na makedonskat a kni ž evnost HH vek, S kopje, 1990, 117-132, 148-156 and 159-171.
  14. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot st i h 1900-1944. I st r až uvawa i mat er i jal i , I-II, Skopje, 1980. More than 120 poets are known to have written in Macedonian in this period. 874 Vol če Naumčeski , S t i hovi (1939-1941). Redakci ja, pr edgovor i zabel eš ki d-r Bl až e Ristovski , S kopje, 1979.
  15. ↑ Vol če Naumčeski , S t i hovi (1939-1941). Redakci ja, pr edgovor i zabel eš ki d-r Bl až e Ristovski , S kopje, 1979.
  16. ↑ Kočo Raci n, St i hovi i proza. Ur edi l d-r Al eksandar Spasov, Skopje, 1966; Kočo Sol ev Rac i n, I zbrani del a (I-oe I), Skopje, 1987; D-r Blaže Ristovski , Kočo Raci n. I st ori sko- l i t er at ur ni i st r až uvawa, 1983.
  17. ↑ Vojdan Čer nodr i nski , S obrani del a, III. P r i r edi l Al eksandar Al eksi ev, S kopje, 1976.
  18. ↑ Makedonskat a dr ama meGju dvet e svet ski vojni , I, 17-74.
  19. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot st i h 1900-1944, I, 108-132.
  20. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Por t r et i i procesi ..., III, 431-473; Venko Mar kovski , Gl a mj i i poroi . I zbor i pr edgovor Al eksandar Al eksi ev, Skopje, 1992.
  21. ↑ Kol e Nedel kovski , S obrano del o. Jubi l ejno i zdani e po povod na 40-godi š ni nat a od smr t t a na poet ot -borec. P r edgovor , koment ar , i zbor i r edakci ja Todor Di mi t r ovski , Skopje, 1981.
  22. ↑ Blaže Ristovski , ,,Osnovi t e i koncepci i t e na Makedonski ot l i t er at ur en kr už ok vo Sof i ja“ (1936), Gl a s n i k , HHIH, 3, S kopje, 1985, 111-128.
  23. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Por t r et i i procesi ..., II, 1989, 486-532; Di mi t ar Mi t r ev, Makedon- ski ot l i t er at ur en kr už ok, Skopje, 1977; Ni kol a J. Vapcar ov, Pesni za Tat kovi nat a. S obrani st i hovi . P odgot ovka i pr evod d-r Blaže Ristovski , S kopje, 1986.
  24. ↑ Makedonski vest i , II, 73, S of i я, 8.H.1936, 3.
  25. ↑ Angel ъ Di nevъ , Makedonski t õ sl avяni , S of i я, 1938, 72.
  26. ↑ Makedonsko zname, II, 17, 14.HII.1933, 2.
  27. ↑ Makedonsko zname, II, 18, 22.II.1934, 1.
  28. ↑ Bi st r i š ki [Vasi l I vanovski ], ,,Zaë o ni e makedonci t e sme ot del na naci я?“, in: Čet vъ r- t i я kongr es na Makedonski я Nar oden S ъ ю z v Amer i ka. Rezol ю ci i , I zl ož eni я, Det r oi t , 1934, 42-55; Tr udova Makedoni я, I, 6, Det r oi t , Dekemvr i 1934, 4-5.
  29. ↑ I st or i ska vi st i na. P r ogr esi vnat a opš t est vena javnost vo Bugar i ja i P i r i nska Make- doni ja za makedonskot o naci onal no praš awe. Dokument i , st udi i , r ezol uci i , apel i i publ i ci st ički pri l ozi 1896-1956. I zbor i r edakci ja P er o Kor obar i d-r Or de I vanoski , Skopje, 1981, 79.
  30. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Por t r et i i procesi ..., III, 491-501.
  31. ↑ I storiska vistina..., 130.
  32. ↑ Mi hai l o Geor gi evski , ,,Eden dosega neobjaven vospomenat el en vesni k za Goce Del čev od 1938 godi na“, Gl a s n i k , Hoe I, 2, 1972, 35-50. The newspaper was the product of the Nation and Culture Circle in Sofia.
  33. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot nar od i makedonskat a naci ja, II, S kopje, 1983, 505.
  34. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Por t r et i i procesi ..., III, 458-490. It is significant to mention that in the school year 1944/45 Veselinov’s second booklet became the first textbook of Macedonian national history in the newly-opened schools in the Macedonian state.
  35. ↑ Dokument i i mat erijal i 1921-1941, I, 2. Redakci ja, pr evod i koment ar Ivan Kat ar xi ev, Skopje, 1985, 316.
  36. ↑ Ibid., 318-322.
  37. ↑ Ibid., 334-338.
  38. ↑ Ibid., 382.
  39. ↑ I l egal ni ot pečat na KPJ vo Var dar ska Makedoni ja meGju dvet e svet ski vojni , II, 2. P odgot vi l d-r Ivan Kat ar xi ev, S kopje, 1983, 198.
  40. ↑ Makedonskot o pr aš awe na st r ani ci t e od ,,Ri zospast i s“ meGju dvet e svet ski vojni . I zbor i r edakci ja Josi f P opovski , S kopje, 1982, 126.
  41. ↑ Ibid., 162.
  42. ↑ Ibid., 162.
  43. ↑ Ibid., 134-138.
  44. ↑ Ibid., 158.
  45. ↑ Ibid., 226-227.
  46. ↑ Ibid., 249-250.
  47. ↑ D-r Blaže Ristovski , Makedonski ot nar od i makedonskat a naci ja, II, 511-522.
  48. ↑ Makedonci t õ vъ Amer i ka i borbat a na t õhni я nar odъ za naci onal na nezavi si most Å na Makedonski я Nar odenъ S ъ ю zъ vъ Amer i ka, Madi sonъ , 1938, 29.
  49. ↑ Tr udova Makedoni я, II, 2. ja l i 1935, 1 and 3.
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