Alexander of Macedon in the Historical Consciousness of the Macedonians in the 19th and 20th Centuries

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The essential question of the historical consciousness of the Macedonians has as yet been insufficiently studied from a scholarly point of view. ^[1] Still less has it been studied in terms of the consciousness of Macedonian writers, particularly in the 19th century. Yet in the development of the historical consciousness which was built among the Macedonian people there appeared two tendencies of fundamental importance which ultimately merged into a single idea of the historical past of Macedonia and which moulded Macedonian national consciousness: the ancient Macedonian and the more recent Slavonic tradition. The first was handed down chiefly by oral tradition and was sustained indirectly or by way of external factors, amply drawing on various manuscripts and, later, printed texts dealing with the ancient Macedonian rulers, in particular those dealing with Alexander of Macedon (circulating at certain periods outside the institutions of the church) and mainly covering the period until the arrival of the Slavs. The second (Slavonic) tradition reflected the Slavic period; it spread and was maintained mainly through the churches and monasteries (in written form, but also by oral tradition and folklore), presenting the historical past of the Slavs through outstanding figures and signifi- cant events (Cyril and Methodius, Clement and Naum, Samuel and Mark; Ohrid, Prilep, Belasica, Marica, etc.). Although chronologically of later date, it is interesting that Bulgarian and Serbian mediaeval state traditions in Macedonia were much less common. In fact, it was only as late as the 18th century, chiefly under external influence, via personal contacts and writings, that certain folk-coloured tendencies of Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian folk traditions began to penetrate Macedonia. This was the period of the initiation of modern historiographic thought in these regions: the history of Jovan Rajić, ^[2] and even that of Paissius of Chilandar (Paisij Hilendarski), ^[3] Were already creating ideas which were to have a significant role in subsequent devel- opments; the stemmatographiae (particularly that of Hristofor Žefarovič) ^[4] revived powerful symbols, while the swift development of cartography delineated ethnic territories which, together with the Macedonian tradition, gradually out- lined the historical, cultural and geographic features of Macedonia. ^[5] The beginning of the 19th century, however, saw Macedonia with the process of building an awareness of its own ethno-cultural physiognomy uncompleted and, moreover, without a single and generally accepted appellation of the people. At the same time, oral folk tradition constantly handed down reminiscences of the Macedonian historical past. The printing of the Slavonic versions of the history of Alexander of Macedon ^[6]further intensified the development of the Macedonian mythology which evolved side by side with the awakening of interest in printed books. Among the external factors, of particular importance were European scholars who encouraged a strong awareness of ancient Macedonia with a gradual but notable tendency towards ideas of the ‘Slavonic character’ of its population. This was particularly the case with the disciplines of history, geography, ethnography, philology and cartography. Illyrian ideology and Balkan heraldry differentiated the Macedonian coat of arms, ^[7] and the formation of the Macedonian Hussar Regiment in Ukraine clearly set the Macedonians apart as a distinct Slavic ethnicity. ^[8] The struggle against Phanariote supremacy encouraged exploration of the history of the Archbishopric of Ohrid and of the Slavic past. Macedonian aspira- tions towards writing in their native tongue cleared the way towards the study and understanding of Slavonic literacy, literature and culture, which were determined by scholarship to have originated from Macedonia, and the borders within which this language was spoken were gradually defined. ^[9] The social, political and confessional status of the Macedonian people in Shariah Turkey further reinforced the contrast between the oppressed raya and kaurins, on the one hand, and the “true-believing” aghas and beys, on the other. This in turn aroused interest in the question and history of the Ottoman conquest of Macedonia, and animated the cult of King Mark’s kingdom in oral folklore. It was in the spirit of this mythology (developing not without outside influences) that Philip and Alexander of Macedon were presented as Slavs (also encouraged by the subsequent mystifications by Jovan Gologanov and Stefan Verković). ^[10] All this merged with the representations of Samuel, Strez, Volkašin and Mark, and was naturally connected with the ajduks and comitadjis, who had already been fighting for freedom. This process became particularly apparent from the 1840s onwards. It was not by chance that Gjorgija Makedonski, a teacher from the village of Radibuš, in the Kriva Palanka region, said: “I learnt the Slavonic script from my father, Dimitrija Makedonski [Macedonian], who calls himself so because we are Macedonians, and not Greeks. ] I also took the surname of Makedonski, and not that of my father or grandfather, so that it may be known that we are Slavs from Macedo- nia.” ^[11] The priest Dimitrija from the same region spoke in like manner in 1848: “Mr Mihail Makedonski was the one who interceded most in favour of my appointment, because I am a Macedonian by birth and hold the services in Slavonic. Such was the fate of my fatherland Macedonia, to suffer from the Greeks, and they are giving us no peace even today, although everyone knows that Macedonia was an older state than their kingdom.” ^[12] That “everyone” did indeed know this “truth” is testified to by the Russian Slavic scholar, Viktor Grigorovich, after his travels through Macedonia in 1844- 1845: “In all the areas I have visited I have heard no other names than those of Alexander the G[reat] and King Mark. Both are alive in the memory of the people as fairly generalized characters. The memory of Alexander the G. seems to be more deeply instilled into the people, because those who uttered his name could often not explain his character other than by referring to the instructors (teachers) who have books about this subject.” ^[13] At approximately the same time, in the testimony of Rajko Žinzifov, Dimitar Miladinov had a dispute with a Greek in Kukuš on Macedonian ethnicity. Žinzifov writes: “The Greek remained silent before Miladinov’s arguments; he claimed from the Greek not only the present-day Macedonians but also the ancient ones, with Philip and Alexander; he also brought up Homer, and Demosthenes, and Strabo, before the Greek; he almost, in the eyes of the Greek, made even the present-day Hellenes Slavic” ^[14] And precisely because of this interest, the first legend to be printed in the collection by the Miladinov brothers is that of Alexander of Macedon. ^[15] The same idea was promulgated by the Ohrid correspondent of Caregradskij vÆstnik (Constantinople Herald) of March 3, 1860), who writes: “This land is Macedonia; if we look at the nature, temper, customs and character of its inhabi- tants, their demeanour and their physiognomy, we will recognize the very same men who in ancient times formed the phalanxes of Alexander of Macedon.” ^[16]Hence the teacher from Ohrid who was hired in Salonika, in place of the expelled Bulgarian teacher, proudly declared: “I am neither a Bulgarian, nor a Greek or a Vlach; I am purely a Macedonian, as Philip and Alexander of Macedon and Aristotle the philosopher once were.” ^[17] Somewhat later Venijamin Mačukovski demanded from Verković “stories about Bela and songs about Alexander and Philip” (February 16, 1865) ^[18] and had a dispute with the Greek as to whose Macedonia was, on the basis of Alexander’s coins (August 19, 1865). ^[19] The Bulgarian national figure and writer, Petko Račev Slavejkov, in his well- known article ‘The Macedonian Question’ (January 18, 1871), states with author- ity: “We have heard many a time from Macedonists that they are not Bulgarians but Macedonians, descendants of the ancient Macedonians, and we have always waited to hear some proof, but we have never heard it. Macedonists have never even explained the grounds for their view. They insiston their Macedonian provenance which they can never properly substantiate. ] If the ancient Mace- donians lived in this same territory, why should not its present-day inhabitants be of Macedonian blood? They are complete Macedonians, conclude the Macedo- nists, relieved by their great discovery.” ^[20] Replying to Slavejkov, in an article with a similar title, ‘On the Macedonian Question’ (February 16, 1871), Dimitar V. Makedonski, among other things, writes: “The Macedonians have not disappeared from the face of the earth as some people allow themselves to claim, because, as far as we know, they have never sinned so greatly that the earth may have gaped open and swallowed them.” ^[21] This was an ideology which indeed fascinated Pulevski’s generation and inspired the insurgents of the Macedonian Kresna Uprising (1878-1879); it was not foreign to the Ilinden revolutionaries either, and continued to be popular even in the 20th century. In the circumstances, national romanticism proved highly beneficial for Macedonia. Every layer of society was affected in some way and to a greater or lesser degree. We shall here quote an illustrative example from the writings of Jovan Dra- gašević, Serbian Professor of the Military Academy. In 1871, in Belgrade, he published a textbook entitled Geography for Secondary Schools, where he de- scribes in great detail and most specifically the history and ethnic borders of Macedonia, including the ethno-cultural and linguistic characteristics of the Macedonian Slavs. Dragašević underlines that “the Macedonians are the oldest Slavs on this Illyrian peninsula, and perhaps in Europe”, ^[22] and that “even now they have a distinct character and remain in the middle between the Bulgarians and Serbs” as “a separate Slavic group”, ^[23] with a distinct language and history; then he gives an elaborate account of the history of Philip and Alexander of Macedon. ^[24] In the beginning of the following year, 1872, in Svetozar Marković’s journal Radnik (Worker), a bitter debate began concerning this text dealing with the Macedonians. Professor Svetislav Niketić strongly opposed Dragašević, empha- sizing that the prospects of the Serbian idea for expansion to the south were thus being undermined and that what Dragašević had written was not true. Dragašević’s reply is very important for us, because, among other things, he says: “I do not even believe your mistakes if I indeed did not know or do not know whether the Macedonians are a separate Slavic group. But, Sir, I have not sucked this out of my finger, but for each word I have asked people who actually know more than you and me.” ^[25] Who were these people in Belgrade who “knew more” at that time? We believe that it is not far from the truth if we assume that they could be the future ideologists and chief activists of the Kresna Uprising and of the Macedonian League. Special legions were also formed at that time in Belgrade, where the Macedonians had special tasks as part of Serbia’s longer-term plans for the future of the Balkans. Among those who were active there were Dimitar Popgeorgiev Berovski, Iljo Markov, Gjorgija Pulevski, Stojan Vezenkov, Spiro Crne and others who expressed Macedonian aspirations. It was then, in 1874, that Pulevski prepared his Dictionary of Three Languages, which was published in Belgrade in 1875, where the author very clearly stated that “Our fatherland’s name is Macedonia and we call ourselves Macedonians”, ^[26] and that “the Macedonians, too, are a people and their place is Macedonia”, ^[27] that “Macedonia was praised at the time of Emperor Alexander the Great”, ^[28] and also that “the Macedonian language is most closely related to Church-Slavonic books, and it is Old Church Slavonic”, and that hence we “call ourselves Old Slavs”. ^[29] This was the voice of the Macedonians themselves which Dragašević had to respect. It is not surprising that at that time, in connection with Pulevski’s dictionary, Ivan Aksakov writes: “Mr Pulevski’s dictionary is of great interest in one’s becoming acquainted with the language of the Macedonian population which the Serbs so tenaciously make a part of the Serbian people. In general, we should say that, for Slavic scholars, Macedonia is — if we can use that expression — an unknown land which awaits its explorers.” ^[30] Only if we bear in mind this reasoning of Aksakov’s can we understand his address to the Macedonians in Moscow: “Why should you not choose your Macedonian dialect as a literary language, which is richer than Bulgarian and closer to ours? This will bring us closer to each other and link us more strongly.” ^[31] So, in spite of the wave of powerful propaganda, the Macedonians persistently built and affirmed their ideology. Gjorgija M. Pulevski appeared only as the best-known (to us) advocate of that idea which had a long and strong tradition among the masses of the people. It is no chance that in one of his manuscripts he recorded the traditions that the Mijaks in Macedonia were “the guardsmen of A. of Macedon”, while the Brsjaks, i.e. “Brzaks [according to popular etymology] were the swift army of Alexander of Macedon”. ^[32] In the Mijak region even the celebrations of Ilinden (St Elijah’s Day), Petrovden (St Peter’s Day), etc., were connected with the time of Alexander. ^[33] Hence the words from the opening paragraph of the 1878 Rules/Constitution of the Macedonian Insurgent Committee sound so natural: “We rebelled as advocates of freedom. With the blood we shed all over the Macedonian fields and forests we serve freedom, as did the Macedonian army of Alexander of Macedon, with our slogan ‘Freedom or Death’.” ^[34] We must not neglect the fact that Pulevski was one of the members of the uprising’s General Staff which worked out and adopted this text. And this ideology was particularly reflected in the Protocolar Decision of the Interim Macedonian Government (May 21, 1880) ^[35] and its Manifesto of March 11/23, 1881, ^[36] as well as in the Constitution of Macedonia ^[37] and the Military Instructions of the Macedonian League from 1880. ^[38] It was in this insurgent and revolutionary turmoil in Macedonia and among the émigrés that songs were sung about Europe as the “Babylonian whore” and about the fighters as the “glorious descendants of Alexander”. ^[39] But as far the literary form is concerned, the most authentic example of this ideology was contributed by Gjorgija Pulevski himself, who as early as 1878, in his poem ‘Samovila Makedonska’ (Macedonian Sprite), full of revolutionary pathos, describes the traditions and aspiration of his people: Have you heard, Macedonians, the elders saying: There were no braver men than Macedonians — Three hundred years before Christ Tsar Alexander of Macedon With Macedonians ruled the whole world. (In a footnote, Pulevski states precisely: “It is shortened for the sake of the verse; this happened 338 years before Christ,” and then continues:) Our King Philip was a Slav, Tsar Alexander — a Slav, Our Slav grandmothers gave birth to them. Macedonians, remember the Macedonian heroism, and now follow the example of your ancestors! ^[40] We can find the same assertions in the first part of the poetry anthology Makedonska pesnarka (Macedonian Songbook, Sofia, 1879), where the poem ‘Makedoncim uv prilog’ (To the Macedonians) starts in this way: This dear place is the fatherland of Macedonians, it was a kingdom under King Philip, it was the ancient empire of Tsar Alexander, our tsar, a Macedonian, famous throughout the world, Alexander the Great. He has left our empire on the Balkan Peninsula to all mountain Slavs. ^[41] Reacting against the decisions of the Congress of Berlin, when Macedonia was once again left under Ottoman control, Pulevski declared: Hear us, brothers, European Christians, we’ve had enough of this fate of ours and we, too, want a fatherland for ourselves. Today our brothers in the Macedonian kingdom complain because it is only we who are being left in slavery, so we, too, want a fatherland for ourselves! ^[42] Hence Pulevski addresses his compatriots: O, brothers, Macedonians of the Orthodox faith, let us unite and fight bravely, as our forefathers did under Tsar Alexander, and leave a new memory of our name behind us! Let us revive our ancient history, and carry out this task now. ^[43] Etc. In this same spirit, on December 7, 1878, Pulevski wrote from the “Macedonian front” to his old acquaintance and compatriot Kuzman Badžović (in Serbia) about the plans for the Macedonian Uprising and, inviting him to join them, said: “With God’s help, this spring we are going against Turkey with all our Slavo-Macedonian sons. We shall either all die or restore the empire of Alexander of Macedon.” ^[44] This ideology, reflecting the historical consciousness of the Macedonians of the time, is expounded in the greatest detail in the extensive Slavjansko-makedon- ska opstaja istorija (Slavonic-Macedonian General History) by Gjorgija M. Pulevski (begun in 1865 in Belgrade and completed in 1892 in Sofia, but remaining a manuscript). There the author deals in great detail with the Slavic origin and language of the Macedonians, and with the history of the “Macedonian tsars”, which comprises one fourth of the whole manuscript. ^[45] In Chapter IV, ‘On the Slavonic language (dialect) and its date’, Pulevski reacts to Jovan Rajić’s writing and, among other things, says: He mentions only Russians, Poles, Moravians, Illyrians, Serbs and Bulgarians in his history, but where are the Czechs, Slovaks, Kranjans [Slovenes] and Macedonians? At least he should not have called his history ‘A History of Diverse Slavonic Peoples’. And as the Macedonians are indigenous inhabitants of the peninsula and hosts to the Bulgars, Serbs and Greeks, and also to other nationalities, as well as neighbours of the Hellenes, therefore we have called this history a Slavo-Macedonian History, so that we may know when each one of the existing newcomers to the peninsula came. ^[46] One of Pulevski’s close associates, and certainly not the only one, was Isaija Radev Mažovski, who, on July 18, 1888, delivered in Kiev a patriotic speech based on the same ideology, and went into great detail about the ideas of the Macedonian past among the Macedonian people, and also among the Albanians. ^[47] Grigor Prličev must have had personal contacts with Pulevski, as copies of both Pulevski’s Slognica rečovska (Reka Wordbook) and Makedonska pesnarka have been found in his library. The learned “second Homer” (in the surviving manuscripts) writes in great detail about questions of ancient Macedonian history as a cultural-historical heritage, ^[48] while in his ‘address’ on Cyril and Methodius delivered in Salonika in 1885 he said the following, among other things: “Our mother Macedonia is now so weak. Having given birth to Alexander the Great, having given birth to Ss Cyril and Methodius, our mother Macedonia has ever since been lying in bed seriously ill and deathbound. Who knows if the mother who has given birth to so great a son will be able to bear another?” ^[49] Another man who was very close to Pulevski was Kuzman Šapkarev, who even reprinted the whole of ‘Samovila Makedonska’ as early as 1882, ^[50] and the aged Marko Cepenkov in a song which he wrote in 1889 said: Think you, my dear children, of the great Tsar Alexander whom we celebrate to this day. ^[51] This historical consciousness was also cultivated by the ‘Lozars’ in the Mace- donian movement. In Kosta Šahov’s journal Makedonija a certain G.K., in his extensive (untitled) article, among other things, writes: [N]o doubt, our fatherland — Macedonia — also has a history of its past, where one can see its power, its greatness and also its political subordination under the authority of the then powerful Ottoman Empire. ] Today, for instance, every Macedonian, when mentioning Alexander of Macedon, says: “We had Tsar Alexander the Great.” With these words he reminds himself of the glorious period and the greatness of the Macedonian state. Alexander of Macedon stands as a national pride before the face of every Macedonian. That national pride today is of intellectual significance in the achievement of the idea of independence. The great Macedonian state, in the person of Alexander, has done a great service to scholarshi ^[52] At a secret meeting of the Macedonian ‘circle’ around the journal Makedonija, held on June 19, 1889 in the Concordia Hotel in Sofia, where 12 or 13 prominent Macedonian activists of the time were present (Kosta Šahov, Dimitar Makedonski, Georgij A. Georgov, Ivan Šumkov, Nožarov, the Ivanov brothers, Íuzliev, Man- dušev, etc.), while discussing ideas for “organizing broader activity”, they also spoke “about Alexander of Macedon”. ^[53] Therefore, when the Young Macedonian Literary Society in Sofia was founded (1890) and when the very first number of its mouthpiece Loza (Vine, 1892) stated that the fatherland of the Macedonians is Macedonia and that it was “a separate Slavic state whose past is full of glory, in particular during the time of Philip and Alexander the Great, though it declined under their successors”, ^[54] the reaction of the Bulgarian press was the strongest up to that moment; one newspaper, among other things, wrote that the Macedonians “are gradually preparing Bulgarian public opinion for Macedonia’s separation from Bulgaria and will gradually introduce words from the Ohrid sub-dialect, which is to be the literary language of the future greater Macedonia headed by some of the editors of Loza in the capacity of Philip or Alexander!” ^[55] The 19th century ended with such a historical awareness of the ancient Macedonian state and the ancient Macedonians. Slavdom in Macedonia was believed to extend far back before the new era, and the Macedonians were considered to be the oldest people not only in the Balkans but also in Europe. But even when it became clear that the ancient Macedonians had not been and could not have been Slavs, when the ancient history of Macedonia was already known, as was also the history of the arrival of the Slavs in Macedonia, the phalanxes of Philip and Alexander and the glory of the ancient state and culture continued to play the role of an integrative factor in the Macedonian national development. Anastas Jankov was not alone when he exclaimed in his 1902 proclamation to the Macedonian people, urging them to rise: Macedonians! Remember the world victor, the world glory of Macedonia — the great Alexander of Macedon; remember the brave Tsar Samuel, the great Macedonian man, the wonderful King Mark, the glory of all the Slavs — that Macedonian blood flowed in their veins; they keep vigil from the heights of heaven and bless the cause we have initiated. Let us prove ourselves to be their worthy descendants. ^[56] Even Krste P. Misirkov, in his memoirs, writes about “the original and true Macedonia” and about “the capital of the ancient Macedonian state of Amyntas II, Philip and Alexander the Great,” ^[57] and shortly before his death, in his article ‘King Mark’, Misirkov summarizes: King Mark is the son and pride of Macedonia and one of the three great conquerors who spread the name of their land far beyond its territories: (1) Alexander of Macedon spread the glory of Macedonia as far as the Central Asian rivers of Amu Darya [Oxus] and Syr Darya [Jaxartes], and also to India and the Indian Ocean; (2) The holy Cyril and Methodius spread the Macedonian word and script among all the Slavic peoples, and (3) King Mark placed under his authority and under that of the Macedonian muse all popular singers and peoples on the Balkan Peninsula, including you, the descendants of his sworn enemies. ^[58] And finally, the president of the Macedonian Scholarly and Literary Society in St Petersburg, Dimitrija čupovski, who was also a poet (writing in Macedonian and Russian), held a similar view concerning the question of ancient Macedonia. He also had the opportunity of meeting his compatriot Pulevski in Sofia, and he kept Pulevski’s Slognica rečovska in his library with particular devotion. ^[59] On more than one occasion he referred to the glory of Alexander of Macedon. When in 1913-1914 the “Macedonian flag” was worked out (published in the Macedo- nian and Russian press), there was Alexander the Great’s horse, Bucephalus, standing as the symbol and basic emblem on a red background, ^[60] while čupovski himself carried a silver piece with Alexander’s image attached to his watch-chain until the end of his life. ^[61] Even his brother Nace Dimov, in his prominent book on Macedonia (1913), quotes the writing of the British historian Jacob Abbot on the ancient “Macedonians” (Makedonjane) and their “Macedonian language”, “unintelligible to the Greeks” (neponjatnom dlja Grekov), ^[62]etc. These were the ideas prevalent in Macedonia concerning its history after the partition of its territory and people in 1913. Even the organizers of the National Liberation War, who won the present-day freedom, did not ignore the significance of Alexander as a major figure in the mobilization of the people’s consciousness. A good example is the letter from Dr Trifun Grekov (Grecow) in Geneva (October 11, 1922) to the head of the Macedonian Federal Party in Sofia, Nikola Jurukov, in which he writes: “I have sent an article to Avtonomna Makedonija on Alexander the Great to be published as a series; I am earnestly appealing for its publication. It is of paramount importance to link our cause with the ancient history of Macedonia.” ^[63] And indeed, the journal Avtonomna Makedonija published several articles on these subjects written by him, ^[64] 325 and the Vienna journal Makedonsko S’znanie (Macedonian Consciousness, 1924) published a Brief History of Mace- donia (in instalments) by this same Dr Grekov. ^[65] The Alexandrian tradition was also very much alive among the Macedonian people in the 1930s, in all circles and in all regions. It was not by chance that ‘Komitski’, a Sofia émigré, in a letter to the Macedonian National Committee of December 27, 1932, recalls, among other things, that “once there was a glorious land with a brave people who gave birth to world rulers such as Philip and Alexander of Macedon”. ^[66] In general, these ideas among the Macedonian émigré community in Bulgaria were widespread and were often reflected in printed works. For example, Vasil Ivanovski (Bistriški), in his article ‘Why We Macedonians are a Separate Nation’, among other things, writes that “the Greek chauvinists” actually “falsify history proclaiming the tribe of the ancient Macedono-Illyrians, together with the leaders of that tribe — Macedon, Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great — as a constituent part of the ancient Greeks”. ^[67] This was analysed in greater detail by Angel Dinev in his pamphlet Makedonskite Sloveni (The Macedonian Slavs), where he writes that “After the death of Alexander the Great the universal Macedonian state collapsed,” ^[68] and, relying on Dr Grekov’s writings, says: “It is known that Macedonian art, even at the time of Philip of Macedon, surpassed Hellenic art. The triumph of Alexander the Great over the Hellenes was not only the result of fighting and technical power, but also of the power of a civilization which gave rise, in Alexander’s consciousness, to the remarkable idea of organiz- ing a world school, of a single world doctrine and the peaceful unification of mankind into a single whole. These were undoubtedly also the ideas of his teacher, Aristotle, who was not a Hellene, as alleged by some, but a Macedonian from the Chalcidice Peninsula, who lived in Athens as a passer-by, and only at the time when the Macedonophile party was in power. After the death of Alexander the Great and following the collapse of the Macedonian state, the Hellenes appropri- ated their art, and what could not be falsified was later destroyed by the Byzanti- nes.” ^[69] The ‘Reply to Professor Nikola Vulić’s Article’ (1940) also demands continuity from the ancient state and culture: “The geographical position of Macedonia is not a thing of yesterday, it dates back to the time before Christ, to the time of Philip and Alexander of Macedon.” ^[70] The cult of Alexander was cherished with particular reverence, for instance, in middle-class circles in Prilep. Here is the testimony of Dimče Adžimitreski: “We had an old book on Alexander of Macedon. It was locked in a drawer and my grandfather would often take it and read to us about the feats of Alexander of Macedon. That is how we were brought up. We considered him our king and we dreamt of such a kingdom as he had once created.” This ideology was also popular within the MORO organization in Skopje, whose head was Adžimitreski himself. One of the members of its leadership, Blagoja Dimitrov, in his recollections of this organization (1932-1934), says: “The main task was to speak Macedonian, to buy books; cells were formed of three members each, and every cell formed its own library (I remember, we also had books on Alexander of Macedon, and we considered all that as ours).” ^[71] Progressive young people in Prilep also believed that they were descended from Alexander of Macedon. But when Borka Taleski delivered a lecture before one of these organized groups in which he shattered the myth of the direct descent from the ancient Macedonians, there was disappointment. ^[72] The same happened in another progressive Prilep group, when in 1939 Dime Bojanovski-Dize, who had just returned from the Lepoglava prison, delivered a similar lecture on the Brdo (a hill in Prilep). ^[73] Prilep was not an exception. Goce Miteski from the Ohrid region tells us that, before the Second World War, “the young intellectuals” from the Debarca region were fascinated by their ancestor Alexander the Great. “No one has ever contra- dicted me about this,” ^[74] he says. In his poem ‘Robina’ (Slave), written in Ohrid on November 8, 1942, Miteski sings of Alexander and ends his poem with this call (as did Pulevski): Rise, brothers, against the tyrant and revive the glorious Macedonian name. ^[75] In his poem ‘Goce Delčev’ (written in Ohrid on November 25, 1942), Miteski does not forget to link his legendary hero with the famed Alexander: Alexander presented him with a ring and told him he was now a worthy fighter. ^[76]

Miteski was greatly disappointed when at about the same time an older Ohrid student told him: “We are Slavs, and not direct descendants of the ancient MacedoniansFor a whole week after that I was ill,” ^[77] remembers Miteski. And this was already the time when the National Liberation War was in full swing, when the foundations of the Macedonian state were laid. This tradition, however, is very much alive even today in some circles, and our overseas expatri- ates still worship the images of Alexander of Macedon in their churches and clubs. In conclusion, in the historical consciousness of Macedonian writers and national figures of the 19th and even 20th century, ^[78] Alexander of Macedon was a symbol that genuinely and essentially contributed to the Macedonian national integration and helped its affirmation considerably. Even though our modern scholars treat Macedonia’s past with the necessary scholarly objectivity and only register the deposits of national romanticism of the past century, we cannot overlook the fact that ancient Macedonia gave us its name, outlined our borders, bestowed a culture on us and without doubt poured some part of its blood into us. In the veins of the present-day Macedonian flows not only the blood of the Slavs, but also that of various other peoples and tribes that lived or crossed the Balkans over the centuries — in the same way every other people or nation has been created, and not only in Europe at that

1. ↑ Blaže Ri stovski , “F or mi r ovani e i af f i r maci ja Istoričeskoja mč sl i makedoncev v XIH i HH vekah (v kont ekst e bal kanski h ot noš eni ja)“, Dokl adč oe -go mež dunar odnogo kongr essa po i ssl edovani ž ž govostočnoja Evr opč , SkopÅe, 27-30.
2. ↑ I . Raičъ, I stor íja raznč hъ slovenski hъ nar odovъ nai pače Bol gar ъ , Har vat ovъ i S er - bovъ , I-Ioe , Vъ Vi enõ , 1794-1795.
3. ↑ I stor íja sl avõnobol gar skaja. S obrana i nar ež dena P ai síemъ I er omonahomъ vъ l õt o 1762. Stъ kmi za pečatъ po pъ r voobr aza J or . Ivanovъ , Sofija, 1914.
4. ↑ Hristof orъ Žef arovičъ, S t emat ogr af í, Víõ na, 1741.
5. ↑ H. Andonov-P ol janski , “Makedonija vo kar t i (Od zbi r kat a na Br i t anski ot muzej i of i ci - jal ni ot Arhiv na Vel i ka Bri tanija, 1491-1958)“, Gl a s n i k , IH, 1, I NI , Skopje, 1965, 343-422; D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Makedonski ot nar od i makedonskat a naci ja. P r i l ozi za r azvi - t okot na makedonskat a kult ur no-naci onal na mi sl a, I, Skopje, 1983, 70-71; I l i ja P et r uš evski , “Makedonija na kar t i od poznat i kar t ogr af i “, Kult ur en ž i vot , HHoe II, 3, Skopje, 1982, 23-25; I l i ja P et r uš evski , “Kar t a na Makedonija od 1791 godi na“, Kult uren ž i vot , HHoe III, 4-5, Skopje, 1983, 31-33; Makedonija na st ar i mapi . Podgotvi l I l i ja P et r uš evski , Det ska r adost – Makedonija, Skopje, 1992.
6. ↑ Istor ía na vel i kíja Al eksandra makedonc. P r evede otъ Gr à cki Kar l ovskíja Sl aveno- Bà l gar skíja uči t el Å Hr i sto P . Vasíl íevъ P r ot opopovi čъ otъ Kar l ovo, Bõl gr adъ , 1844 (reprinted in 1851 and 1867); Ver a Ant i Î, Od sr ednovekovnat a kni ž evnost , Skopje, 1976, 148-161; Al eksandar Mat kovski , Ot porot vo Makedonija vo vremet o na t ur skot o vl adeewe, II, Skopje, 1983, 132-137.
7. ↑ D-r Al eksandar Mat kovski , Gr bovi t e na Makedonija (Pr i l og kon makedonskat a her al - di ka), Skopje, 1970.
8. ↑ Al eksandar Mat kovski , Makedonski ot pol k vo Ukr ai na, Skopje, 1985.
9. ↑ Krste P. Misirkov saw these processes and explained them in his article “I zni knuvaín’et o i r azbor na bugar ckat a i sr pcka t eor i íi za nar odnost a na mak’edonci t e“, Vardar, I, 1, Odesa, 1.IH.1905, 8-16; D-r Blaže Ri stovski , “Var dar “. Naučno-l i t er at ur no i opš t est veno- pol i t i čko spi sani e na K.P. Misirkov, I MJ, P osebni i zdani ja kn. 4, Skopje, 1996 (photo- graphically reproduced edition).
10. ↑ Gane Todor ovski , “Osmi sl uvawe na mi t ot (Za mi st i f i kaci i t e na nar odni pesni vo Make- doni ja)“, Razgledi , III (III), 10, Skopje, 1961, 955-958; Gane Todor ovski , “Jovan Gol oganov i ,Veda Slovena‘“, S ovremenost , oe II, 1, Skopje, 1967, 63; Gane Todor ovski , Veda S l ovena, Skopje, 1979.
11. ↑ Dokument i za bor bat a na makedonski ot nar od za samostojnost i za naci onal na dr ž ava, I, Skopje, 1981, 182.
12. ↑ Ibid., 204.
13. ↑ Očer kъ put eš est víja po Evr opejaskoja Tur cíja (sъ kar t ož okr est nost eja Ohridskago i prespanskago ozer ъ ) Vi kt ora Gr i gorovi ča. I zdaníe vt or oe, Moskva, 1877, 139. 275 Rajako Ž i nzi f ov, Publ i ci st ika, I, Sъstavi l i Cveta Undži eva i Dočo Lekov, Sofija, 1964, 53-54.
14. ↑ Rajako Ž i nzi f ov, Publ i ci st ika, I, Sъstavi l i Cveta Undži eva i Dočo Lekov, Sofija, 1964, 53-54.
15. ↑ Di mi t r i ja i Konst ant i n Mi l adi novci , Zborni k na nar odni pesni . P od r edakci ja na Har al ampi e P ol enakovi Î i Todor Di mi t r ovski , Skopje, 1983, 502. 277 Blaže Koneski , Kon makedonskat a prer odba. Makedonski t e učebni ci od 19 vek, vt or o i zdani e, Skopje, 1959, 80.
16. ↑ Blaže Koneski , Kon makedonskat a prer odba. Makedonski t e učebni ci od 19 vek, vt or o i zdani e, Skopje, 1959, 80.
17. ↑ Ibid., 49-50.
18. ↑ Dokument i za bъ l gar skot o vъ zr až dane , 152.
19. ↑ Ibid., 182
20. ↑ Blaže Koneski , op. cit., 74-75.
21. ↑ D.V. Makedonskíja, “P o makedonskč ja vъ pr osъ “, Makedoníja, oe , 7, C ar egr adъ , 16.II.1871.
22. ↑ Dr agaš evi ć, Geogr af i ja za sr edwe š kol e. P r egl edal a i odobr i l a š kol ska komi si ja, u Beogr adu u Dr ž avnoj š t ampar i ji , 1871, 127-128.
23. ↑ Ibid.
24. ↑ Ibid., 114.
25. ↑ Dr Kliment Džambazovski, “Srpska socijalistička jaampa o makedonskom nacionalnom pitanju poslednjih decenija XIX veka“, in: Počeci socijalističke jaampe na Balkanu. MeŸunarodni naučni skup posvećen stogodišnjici izlaska “Radenika“, Beograd, 1974, 418.
26. ↑ Ûor Ÿe M. P uq evski , Rečni k ot t r i jezi ka s. makedonski , ar banski i t ur ski , kwi ga II, u Beogr adu, 1875, 62.
27. ↑ Ibid., 49.
28. ↑ Ibid., 67.
29. ↑ Ibid., 40 and 42.
30. ↑ K.[uzman Š apkar ev], “Nar odni põ sni i st ar i ni “, Mari ca, oe , 378, P l ovdi vъ , 16.Ioe .1882, 2.
31. ↑ D.T. Levovъ , “,L oza‘ “, S voboda, oe I, 786, Sofija, 13.Ioe .1892, 3.
32. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Di mi t r i ja čupovski (1878-1940) i Makedonskot o naučno-l i t er a- t ur no drugar st vo vo P et r ogr ad. P r i l ozi kon proučuvawet o na makedonsko-r uski t e vrski i r azvi t okot na makedonskat a naci onal na mi sl a, I, Skopje, 1978, 54 and 57.
33. ↑ Dr Simon Drakul (D-r S i mon Dr akul , Arhimandri t Anat ol i j Zograf ski, I NI , Skopje, 1988, 55)) writes: “It is said that Alexander of Macedon came to rest himself at Karéa ”.
34. ↑ Pr avi l at a-Ust avot na Makedonski ot vost ani čki komi t et vo Kr esnenskot o vost ani e, Skopje, 1980, 203.
35. ↑ Razgledi , Hoe (HXI), 1-2 (300-301), 1973, 173-175.
36. ↑ Dokument i za bor bat a na makedonski ot nar od , 267-268.
37. ↑ Makedonskat a l i ga i Ust avot za dr ž avno ur eduvawe na Makedonija od 1880, Skopje, 1985, 237-261.
38. ↑ Ibid., 262-312.
39. ↑ This song is found in different versions and it is recorded in Bulgaria with a modified text: Ni kol aja Kauf man, Bъl garski gradski pesni, Sofija, 1968, 201 and 210.
40. ↑ GÅ. M.P ., S amovi l a Makedonska, pečat ni ca na B. P r oš ekъ vъ Sofija, b.g., Gosudar st vennaja publ i čnaja bi bl i ot eka i m. Sal t i kova-ê edr i na, S. 29. 8, 103; D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Ъo r JAi j a M. P ul evski i negovi t e kni š ki “S amovi l a Makedonska“ i “Makedonska pesnar ka“, Bi b- l i ot eka na spi sani et o Makedonski f ol kl or , 1, Skopje, 1973, 42.
41. ↑ Makedonska pesnar ka otъ Geor gÅa P ‡ l Åevski , b.v.m., S of ía, 1879, 5-6.
42. ↑ Ibid., 7-8.
43. ↑ Ibid., 8.
44. ↑ Razgledi , XIoe , 10, 1972, 1131.
45. ↑ ЪorJAi ja M. Pul evski, Odbrani st r ani ci . I zbor , r edakci ja, pr edgovor i zabel eš ki D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Skopje, 1974, 254-255.
46. ↑ Ibid., 221.
47. ↑ VÃ zpomi nani ja na I sajaja Radev Maž ovski , Sofija, 1922, 14-27.
48. ↑ D-r Kiril Íami l ov, “Gr i gor P r l i čev kako kr i t i čar na gr čkat a i stor i ja“, S ovr emenost , oe , 10-11, 1955, 900-912; D-r Kiri l Íami l ov, “G.S. Prl i čev za kulturata na Elada“, S ovre- menost , oe I, 1-2, 1956, 75-96; see Prličev collections in the Archives of Macedonia and the Archives of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Skopje; D-r Stojan Ri st eski , Gri gor Prl i čev. Novi st r ani ci , Ohrid, 1989, 70-93.
49. ↑ K.G. P ъ r l i čevъ , “Kъ mъ har akt er i st i kat a na Gr .S. P ъ r l i čevъ (po spomeni , svedeni ja i dokument i )“, Makedonski pr egl edъ , Ioe , 2, Sofija, 1928, 118.
50. ↑ K.[uzman Š apkar ev], “Nar odni põ sni i st ar i ni “, Mari ca, oe , 377, 13.Ioe .1882, 5.
51. ↑ Mar ko Cepenkov, Makedonsko nar odno t voreš t vo vo deset t oma, 10. Mat er i jal i – l i t er at ur ni t vorbi . Redakt i r al D-r Blaže Ri stovski , I F , Skopje, 1972, 246.
52. ↑ G.K., “Russe, 11 Noemvr i ja 1888 g.“, Makedonija, I, 4, Russe, 11.XI.1888, 13.
53. ↑ S voboda, III, 278, Sofija, 24.oe I.1889, 3; III, 282, 8.oe II.1889, 4; Makedonija, I, 1, Ruse, 20.I.1902, 3.
54. ↑ Ezer ski , “Nekol ko bel ež ki “, Loza, I, 1, Sofija, 1892, 5.
55. ↑ S voboda, oe I, 786, Sofija, 13.Ioe .1892, 3.
56. ↑ “Rad makedonski h komi t et a“, Brani k, Hoe III, 131, Novi S ad, 26.IH/9.H.1902, 2. Hence during the days of the Ilinden Uprising, the unsigned author of the editorial of the journal Avt onomna Makedonija (I, 9, Sofija, 30.oe III.1903, 1) states: “When they say to us that we should protect the oppressed Macedonians, we should gladly do so. We are here delighted to recall that Alexander the Great, that tsar of the universe, bore witness to the virtues of the Slavic tribe when he said that the Slavs had heroic hearts and hence deserved to bear the great name Slavs, that is slavni [glorious]. Before his death this man who has endowed us so greatly said that he cursed anyone who would ever speak ill of the Slavs. In recognition of their military abilities he bequeathed to them all the lands from the Adriatic to the ocean of eternal ice. Besides, he besought his heavenly patrons to protect them from ill fortune and always aid the twelve princes, descendants of his twelve friends. Now, if the Macedonians are in a situation to stop their extermination with their own hands and improve their destiny, then the Bulgarians, Serbs, Montenegrins and other Slavs are bound to help their brothers in blood and faith, those who are born of ‘majka doina’ [nursing mother] (Macedonia), from where, too, the most famous principles and luminaries have originated.” In his poem ‘Tam!’ (There) (Avt onomna Makedonija, I, 13.IH.1903, 4), Petar Zagorov exclaims: There, near Pindus and Šar, near the Struma and Vardar, Where everything is covered with deep wounds, Worthy descendants of the Great Alexander Are bravely fighting the age-old tyrant! These journals were read with particular attention by the Macedonian people in the days of the Ilinden achievement, and the writings about the former glory and greatness of Macedonia met with a tremendous response. These legends played a positive role in the strengthening of Macedonian national consciousness and in the spread of the struggle for liberation.
57. ↑ Kr st e P . Mi si r kov, Odbrani st r ani ci . P r i r edi l Blaže Ri stovski , Skopje, 1991, 483. In connection with the traditions of Alexander of Macedon in the Aegean part of Macedonia, see: Georgios Spyridakis, “Die Volksüberlieferung über Alexander den Grossen in Nordgriecheland (Makedonien und Thrakien)“, Zeitschrift für Balkanologie, IX, 1-2, München, 1973, 187-193, and the literature referred to there. It is not surprising that the Archives of the Skopje Institute of Folklore (m. l . 977 and 1755) have records of traditions connected with Alexander from the Voden region (Tanas Vr až i - novski , “Za nekoi par al el i vo makedonskat a usna pr oza i pr ozat a na nekoi i stočni nar odi za Al eksandar Makedonski — paper read at the congress of the Union of Associations of Folklorists of Yugoslavia, Hvar, 1982).
58. ↑ K. Mi si r kovъ , “Kr al i Mar ko“, I l i ndenÅ, III, 12, Sofija, 25.III.1923, 2.
59. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Di mi t r i ja čupovski (1878-1940) i Makedonskot o naučno-l i t er a- t ur no drugar st vo vo P et r ogr a, I, 57-59 and 94-95.
60. ↑ Ibid., 289-292 (with a colour facsimile of the flag.
61. ↑ Ibid., 293-294.
62. ↑ Blaže Ri stovski , Nace D. Di mov (1876-1916), MANU, Skopje, 1973, f ot ot i pno i zdani e na kni š kat a na N. Di mov, 65-66 (3-4).
63. ↑ N. Ki r ov Majaski , V st r oja za Makedonija. I stor i česki f akt i , bel ež ki i dokument i , I, Sof i ja, 1957, 110a – r akops vo AO na I NI , S l . Ioe 192/I.
64. ↑ Sof i ja, 23.oe II.1922, 2-3; D-r T. Gr ekov, “Njakol ko dumi vъ r hu makedonski ja pr oi zhod na Ari stotel ja“, Avt onomna Makedonija, II, 91, 27.XI.1922, 1-2; Dr T. Grecow, “Quelques notes sur l’origine macédonienne d’Aristoté“, Bulletin pour l’independance de la Macédoine, I, 4, Genève, Janvier, 1922, 47.
65. ↑ D-r T. Gr ekov, “Kr at ka i stor i ja na Makedonija“, Makedonsko sъ znani e, I, numbers 2, 6, 7 and 9, Vi ena, 1924, 4.
66. ↑ Dokument i za bor bat a na makedonski ot nar o, II, 272.
67. ↑ čet vъ r t i ja kongr es na Makedonski ja Nar oden S ъ ž z v Amer i ka. Rezol ž ci i , I zl ož eni ja. I zdani e na Makedonski ja Nar oden Sъ ž z, Det r oi t , 1934, 51.
68. ↑ Angel ъ Di nevъ , Makedonski t õ sl avjani , Sofija, 1938, 30-31.
69. ↑ Ibid., 56.
70. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Koč o Rac i n. I stor i sk o-l i t er at ur ni i st r až uvawa. P r i l ozi za r azvi t okot na makedonskat a kult ur no-naci onal na mi sl a, Skopje, 1983, 130.
71. ↑ Ibid., 132.
72. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Projavi i prof i l i od makedonskat a literaturna i stor i ja. Pr i l ozi za r azvi t okot na makedonskat a kult ur no-naci onal na mi sl a, II, Skopje, 1982, 297.
73. ↑ Ibid., 305.
74. ↑ D-r Blaže Ri stovski , Makedonski ot st i h 1900-1944. I st r až uvawa i mat er i jal i , II, Skopje, 1980, 405
75. ↑ Ibid., 409.>
76. ↑ Ibid., 413.
77. ↑ Ibid., 405.
78. ↑ The tradition of Alexander the Great was not only popular in Macedonia, where physical monuments continue to maintain and encourage the consciousness of its former glory and greatness (A.S . Š of man, I stor i ja ant i čnoja Makedoni i . Doæl l i ni st ičeskaja Makedonija, častъ per vaja, I zdat el Åst vo Kazanskogo uni ver si t et a, 1960, 19), but we can also find it among the Albanians and Vlachs, as well as among the peoples of the Middle East and Asia. With his inclusion in the Koran in particular, legends and traditions dealing with Alexander have spread much more broadly and are widely reflected in literature and folklore (E.A. Kost ž hi n, Al eksandr Makedonski ja v l i t er at ur - noja i f ol Åkl or noja t r adi ci i , Moskva, 1972).